ANTONIO CARDINAL BARBERINI, iuniore (1607-1671), was the son of Carlo Barberini and Costanza Magalotti, and nephew of Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini, 1623-1644), of the Capuchin Antonio Card. Barberini, seniore, (1624), and of Lorenzo Card. Magalott (1624-1637)i. His brother Francesco became Cardinal on the election of their uncle to the papacy, and his brother Taddeo became Prince of Palestrina and Prefect of Rome. He was the cousin of Francesco Maria Card. Machiavelli (who became cardinal in 1641), and uncle of Carlo Card. Barberini (1653). He was Grand Prior in Rome of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem.
The accession of his uncle brought Antonio Barberini and his brothers many positions of power, wealth and influence. He became Cardinal Deacon of S. Maria in Aquiro in 1627, and Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church on July 28, 1638, a position which he held until his death on August 3, 1671. In that capacity he presided over the Conclaves of 1644, 1655, 1667 and 1669-1670. The authoritarianism, arrogance and greed of the family ("Quod non fecerunt Barbari, fecerunt Barberini.") brought a strong reaction on the death of Urban VIII in 1644. In 1645 Antonio and Taddeo fled to Paris (where Urban VIII had once been ambassador), and remained in exile at the Court of Louis XIV (under the patronage of Cardinal Giulio Mazzarini) until 1653; Antonio Barberini became Grand Almoner of France and a member of the Order of the Holy Spirit. In 1657 he was nominated Archbishop of Rheims, a choice which was approved by Pope Alexander VII. He became Cardinal Bishop of Palestrina in 1661. He died in Rome on August 3, 1671.
The position of Marshal of the Holy Roman Church and Custodian of the Conclave was usurped from Prince Bernardino Savelli (whose family had held the distinction since the thirteenth century) by Don Taddeo Barberini [Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica 42 (Venezia 1847), 283-284; Siri, p. 592].
The Secretary of the Sacred College of Cardinals was Giuseppe Frenfanelli, canon of the Vatican Basilica.
The Confessor of the Conclave was Father Valentino Magnonius (Magnoni), SJ. [Bullarium Romanum 15 (Augustae Taurinorum 1868), p. 358].
The Ceremoniarii were: Gaspar Servantius, Dominicus Bellus, Francesco Maria Phebaeus, and Carolo Vicenzio Cavaratius. [Bullarium Romanum (Turin edition) Volume 15, p. 355]
Due to the struggle over the succession to the Duchy of Mantua, Urban VIII managed to turn Spain into his enemy (see, e.g, Gregorovius, Urbano VIII e la sua opposizione alla Spagna e all' Imperatore). His continual preoccupation with the possibility that the Empire, led by Ferdinand II (1619-1637), would come to dominate the Italian states, along with support from the Hapsburg King of Spain, Philip IV, who was also King of Naples, which he ruled through a Viceroy. Being surrounded by the Hapsburgs was as big a fear for Urban as it was for Cardinal Richelieu. This had caused Urban to reverse the pro-Imperial policy of Paul V for a pro-French policy, much as he disliked many of the policies of Richelieu.
Europe had been wracked for decades by the series of military engagements that are called the Thirty Years War (1618-1648). There was a religious component, a struggle between Protestant and Catholic Powers. There were nationalistic components. France in particular was centralizing and consolidating political power, to the disadvantage of the nobility. With the nobility's help, Louis XIII's mother and brother were constantly conspiring with the nobility and with Spain to frustrate Cardinal Richelieu's plans. Spain was engaged in an attempt to overthrow the French government, which, ever since the Wars of Religion, had granted recognition and (in some sense) autonomy to protestants in France. This accommodation was anathema to the orthodoxy of the Spanish monarchy, and with the administration of Cardinal Richelieu supporting the Protestant Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, the Spanish believed that it was necessary to destroy France. They were further convinced, since France was seeking to rationalize its eastern borders, which put pressure on the Spanish Netherlands and on the Imperial vassals between the Rhine and Paris. War between Spain and France ensued (1635-1659). King Philip's marriage to Mariana of Austria, the daughter of Emperor Ferdinand, brought Spain closer to Vienna, and into stronger conflict with Richelieu and Gustavus Adolphus. The Empire, with Prince Wallenstein as its war leader, was eager to recover territories in central and northern Europe which had been lost to Protestant princes, and which were now being united against the Catholic Empire (and conquered) by Gustavus Adolphus; his death in 1632 only somewhat diminished the threat to the Catholic powers. The Spanish participated in the campaign that led to the Battle of Nördlingen in 1634, improving, as they believed, their security in the possession of the Spanish Netherlands. Prince Wallenstein, however, had also been interested in creating an independent principality for himself in Bohemia (Friedland), which was contrary to the wishes of his employer, the Emperor, and threatening to a number of German states and to Poland. His assassination on orders of, or with the consent of, the Emperor shocked Christian Europe (February 25, 1634).
In this confusion, Pope Urban VIII (Barberini) supported the French, though he was strongly—but ineffectually—critical of Richelieu's involvement with the Protestants. Ever since his own War of Castro (1641-1644) had caused Odoardo Farnese, Duke of Parma, to seek support against the Pope through an alliance with France, Modena, Tuscany, and Venice, Urban was isolated and defeated in his hopes and ambitions. Richelieu had sent Hughes de Lionne to Italy in 1642 to attempt to patch up a peace between the League and the Pope—a commission extended by Mazarin after Richelieu's death on December 4—but he was unsuccessful and returned to France in September, 1643 [A. Chéruel, Histoire de France pendant la minorité de Louis XIV Tome I (Paris 1879), 230-233]. Urban's troops, led by his nephews, Taddeo, Prince of Palestrina, and Fra Antonio Barberini, the Younger, ended in disaster at the Battle of Lagoscuro in 1644. It was Cardinal Bichi who finally negotiated the Peace of Ferrara on March 31, 1644.
Europe had been disturbed by a number of significant deaths in a very short time. Cornelius Jansen had died on May 6, 1638. Cardinal Richelieu, First Minister of the King of France died on December 4, 1642. His master, King Louis XIII died less than six months later, on May 23, 1743, leaving France in the keeping of a Regency headed by Anne of Austria and Cardinal Jules Mazarin. Also, an internal political crisis in Spain (the revolt of Catalonia, 1640-1652, aided by the French) in 1643 brought the dismissal from power of the Count-Duke of Olvares; Philip IV announced that he would rule neither through a junta nor through a favorite, but would rule personally himself. Pope Urban VIII died on July 29, 1644.
On his death, the people of Rome rose in a fury against the Barberini. Urban had been an outrageous nepotist, who did nothing to restrain the arrogance and cupidity of his nephews, Francesco, Antonio, and Tad(d)eo.
The official list of Conclavists with the names of each of their Cardinals is contained in the usual bull on the privileges and absolutions granted to the Conclavists: Bullarium Romanum 15 (Augustae Taurinorum 1868), pp. 355-358 (January 31, 1645) [Coquelines VI.iii (1760), pp. 17-19]. A helpful list of forty Cardinals and their assigned titles is contained in the Constitution of Innocent X, Militantis Ecclesiae Regimini, on the titles and insignia of Cardinals [Bullarium Romanum (Augustae Taurinorum 1868), 341-342 (December 19, 1644)]. Patritius Gauchat, Hierarchia Catholica IV (Monasterii 1935), p. 27 n. 2. Forty of the cardinals were creature of the Barberini [Wahrmund, "Beiträge...", p. 5]. Ciaconius-Olduin IV, 643-644. Six cardinals were creature of Paul V. Thirty-nine cardinals were creature of Urban VIII. There were eight vacancies in the Sacred College [Siri, p. 630].
The French (the Queen Mother, Anne "of Austria"—actually the sister of Philip IV of Spain—taking an active role) were determined that no member of the 'Old College', that is to say the creatures of Paul V, whose policy had been pro-Spanish and anti-French, would be elected to the Papal throne. Their instructions were to be carried out by Cardinal Bichi and Cardinal Richelieu of Lyon, seconded by the French Ambassador in Rome, Melchior Mites de Chevrières, Marquis de Saint-Chamont [Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin I, pp. 552-553, no. cccxcvi; Chéruel, Histoire de France, pp. 142-143; Maurice de Boissieu, Généalogie de la Maison de Saint-Chamond (Saint-Étienne 1888), pp.133-182]. Cardinal Pamphili was to be the recipient of the exclusiva if necessary—though Cardinal Mattei was concerned as to the possible effect upon the Cardinals if the actual veto were to be presented. Cardinal Antonio Barberini's chosen candidate was Cardinal Giulio Cesare Sacchetti, whom the French were prepared to support, as a candidate highly favorable to the French interest. Mazarin, in fact, wrote to the Comte de Saint-Chamont [Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin II, p. 249, n. 2]:
Sa Majesté désire que l' on fasse tous les efforts possibles pour faire réussir Sachetti, en qui se rencontrent, avantageusement, toutes les conditions pour un bon pape.
The second choice of the French was Cardinal Altieri. Their biggest concern was Cardinal Bentivoglio, the Bishop of Palestrina. He was one of the 'Old Cardinals' created by Paul V, and therefore thought to be pro-Spanish. He appeared, however, to be friendly to the France where he had been Nuncio from 1616-1621. Since the Spanish appeared to be pressing forward names of Cardinals of considerable seniority, Bentivoglio might well be a viable candidate for the French. His death during the Conclave was a disappointment to the French. After him was to come Cardinal Crescenzio, the 72 year old Bishop of Porto. Next was Cardinal Cennino, who had been ambassador of the Holy See in Spain (1618-1621), and who was currently Suburbicarian Bishop of Sabina.
The Imperial Ambassador to the Conclave was Duke Federico Savelli. Odoardo Farnese, Duke of Parma, sent the Marchese of Soriano, to do whatever he could to ruin the Barberini.
The Novendiales concluded on August 8, 1644, with a funeral oration pronounced by Msgr. Felice Contelori, Prefect of the Vatican Archives [Novaes, Introduzione I, 265]. On the same day, the Ambassador of Spain, the Conde di Sirvella, arrived in Rome.
The Conclave of 1644 began on Tuesday, August 9, though the closing of the doors did not take place until the next day. The oration de eligendo pontifice was pronounced by Jacobo Accarsio, Bishop of Vestana (Vieti) (1642-1644). Fifty-six (or 55) cardinals entered Conclave [Siri, Mercurio, p. 592], among whom a considerable number were considered 'soggetti papabili'. The leading candidate, promoted by Cardinal Antonio Barberini, nephew of the late Pope Urban VIII, was Cardinal Giulio Cesare Sacchetti; both cardinals were adherents of the French party, and they had close to forty votes. Six cardinals did not enter Conclave on the opening day: Rochefoucauld, Sandoval, Spinola, Panziroli, Mazarin and Orsini. Orsini was in Rome but was ill. In any event, due to the difficulty in securing the Conclave area, there was no scrutiny on the first day. Panziroli arrived from Spain, where he had been Nuncio, on August 13. The King of France, Louis XIV (or rather his managers, Mazarin and Queen Anne, since Louis was a child of six), was not eager to have the Conclave proceed until his agent, carrying the royal instructions, arrived in Rome [Petruccelli III, 230]. Mazarin's secretary, Alessandro Fabri, was supposed to bring the 'sicuro capitale' and pass it to Cardinal Barberini viva voce, as well as to provide secret official written instructions to the Ambassador, the Marquis de Saint-Chamont, but Fabri fell seriously ill just before his departure from Paris [Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin II, p. 25-27, no. xii (August 11, 1644)]. Fabri, once recovered, did arrive in Rome, toward the end of the Conclave [Siri, 679], and did bring specific orders to Barberini, for the exclusion of Pamphilio (at least according to Siri, the official French historian, writing a decade after the event); these instructions seem to have been a reiteration of earlier ones, not a response to Ambassador Saint-Chamont's express courier bringing a request to withdraw the exclusiva against Cardinal Pamphili. Fabri is also mentioned as being in Rome shortly after the Conclave [Instructions for the Sieur de Grémonville]. The Instructions, which in fact carried the fatal word against Cardinal Pamphili, were issued on September 5 and 6, but they did not reach in Rome until September 19 [Siri, p. 695]. Cardinal Bichi was also sent copies of the Instructions [Siri, p. 708]. By the time the exclusiva againt Pamphili arrived, Innocent X had been Pope for five days.
August 9 brought a moment of high drama. The Spanish Party, led by Conde Sirvela and Cardinal Albornoz, in association with the Imperial Party, led by Duke Paolo Savelli, Cardinal Colonna (the Cardinal Protector) and Cardinal Harrach, presented the formal veto against the candidacy of Cardinal Sacchetti [Siri, Mercurio p. 592; Wahrmund, Ausschliessungs-recht, p. 129; "Beiträge...", pp. 3-5; portrait of Sacchetti at right]. Urban VIII and his family had been so outrageously partial to the French that the Imperialists and the Spanish were determined that no supporter of French interests would sit on the Throne of Peter. In a note, seeking clarification of what had been done and by whom, Cardinal Valenti wrote to Duke Savelli on August 27, 1644, more than two weeks after the event [Wahrmund, Ausschliessungs-recht, p. 133 and 273]:
... Matteo Sacchetti fratello del Cardinale non cessava d'andarsi aiutando coll'Ambasciador di Spagna, che per certo termine di torto gli parlava in modo, che non si poteva determinare, se l'esclusione, che si faceva al Cardinale, era per ordine del Rè, o per risolutione de ministri. Questo non piacendo alla fattione Spagnuola, han voluto, che l'Ambasciator dica apertamente, ch'è per ordine del Rè, com' è effetivamente, e cosi de prencipi proprii aderenti à Spagna i ministri loro, per idsanimar maggiormente gli avversarii, à chi in ciò non resti più speranza di conseguire, che l' esclusione si revochi. Tanto più operava questo, quanto per l'aversione di tutta la casa d' Austria e de gl' altri prencipi à essa congiunti di sangue e d' interessi publicamente dichiarata, Sacchetti non può tuta conscientia esser' eletto, come si prova per una scrittura fatta dal Padre Valentini, confessore del Conclave, che và per manus de Cardinali, che mostra non potersi fare per l' occasione, che si darebbe à tutti questi prencipi di sequestrarsi dal commercio della sede Apostolica in tutte quelle cose, che non aspettano alla fede ò religione. Il Padre è della compagna di Giesù, e tanto più si crede irriuscibile la prattica de Sacchetti, li Barberini però non s'abbandonano...."
The purpose, of course, was to attempt to have the exclusiva revoked. If the exclusiva had come from the Ministers rather than from the King of Spain, then there would have been room to correct the misstep of the underlings. Unfortunately, as Barberini learned later in a conversation with Cardinal Albornoz, when he put the question directly, it was the King himself, in no less than fourteen separate letters, who had issued the exclusiva [Siri, p. 617]. The presumptuous intrusion of Father Valentino into the proceedings may, in fact, have helped to change the course of the Conclave, providing a rationale for what many considered to be an arbitrary exercise of power. Cardinals never liked the exercise of this "privilege", which was enshrined in no Bull or Constitution or even Motu proprio, and which limited their freedom to select a candidate whom they considered appropriate. The exclusiva is attacked in a piece written by Cardinal Francesco Albizzi (1654-1684).
The imposition of the exclusiva also galvanized Cardinal Antonio Barberini, who was the principal promoter of the candidacy of Cardinal Sacchetti, in obedience to the commands of the French King. Barberini immediately conferred with his uncle (who was not a member of his party), and convinced him to speak with the "old cardinals" (those created by Paul V). The argument used was that the Barberini were prepared to stay in conclave until everyone died before they allowed someone who was not a member of their faction to be elected pope, and that their candidate was Sacchetti. The approach produced the opposite effect to what was intended, and impelled the Vecchi to thwart the efforts on behalf of Sacchetti. The only result was dissension among the three Barberini, each of whom was then too involved in his own interest to embrace a common course of action [Siri, 598]. Antonio Barberini, junior, spent a great deal of time trying to convince his brother and the French not to proceed immediately to the open exclusion of Pamphili. Antonio Barberini, in fact, had a high opinion of Pamphili, despite the distaste of the French Court. Pamphili had been negotiating for the marriage of his only nephew, Don Camillo Pamphili, to one of the Barberini women. But Barberino seems to have been unaware of the depths of loathing against him on the part of Cardinal Pamphili. Nonetheless, it was easily discovered that a virtual exclusiva was at work against Pamphili, comprising some 22 votes, most of them from the French faction [Siri, p. 605].
For Antonio Barberini, junior, therefore, the pressing need was for a candidate from his faction who had plausibility, but who would not arouse the rest of the members of his faction to desert the faction because they could not, or would not, support the proposed candidate. They chose Cardinal Maculano [Siri, Mercurio p. 607]. Barberini managed to enlist Cardinals Grimaldi, Valanze [Achille d'Estampes de Valençay], and Trivulzio in his efforts. The hopes of Cardinal Vincenzo Maculano, OP, were bolstered by support from the Spanish faction, but they made a number of conditions which did not sit well with many Cardinals. Maculano's votes reached their high point on Friday, August 12, when he received eighteen votes in the morning Scrutiny (seventeen, according to Siri, p. 608). Cardinal Barberini, junior, remarked, in a Memorial on August 19 [Siri, p. 633], that Maculano was being considered because, next to Pamphili, he was the oldest person on their list of soggetti:
ad altri habbiamo messo in campo il Cardinale S. Clemente [Vincenzo Maculani, OP], come il più vecchio dopo Pamphilio suddetto; e forse la pratica di lui sarebbe andata, benche non habbia molto aura, piu innanzi pe'l desiderio, ch' è nell' universale di un Papa vecchio, se io non havessi havuto più à cuore gl' interessi del Signor Cardinale Mazzarini, che le convenienze della fattione Urbana.
In the afternoon, however, Maculano's support had dropped by five. He had his opponents, from both parties, who had been activated: Montalto, Bichi, Richelieu, Theodoli, and Barberini OFM Cap. [Siri, Mercurio, p. 646]. In fact he had an enemy, who was working vigorously against his interests, Msgr. Michele Mazzarini, OP, the Master of the Sacred Palaces—whose ambition had been to be Master General of the Dominicans [Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin Tome I (Paris 1872), pp. 17-22, no. iv; Catalano, De magistro sacri palatii, 151-156]. The Jesuits and their supporters (including Cardinal Lugo) were also opposed to his candidacy, simply because of emulation between the two religious orders [Siri, pp. 608, 654]. It was also alleged that Maculano was close to the Duke of Parma, Odoardo Farnese, but it was also pointed out that Farnese was not involved in trying to make a pope. What seemed to be a promising beginning turned out to be a field filled with difficulties. The politicking for him was abandoned for the moment [Siri, Mercurio, p. 608].
Cardinal Giovanni Giacomo Panciroli arrived in Rome from his post as Nuncio to Spain on the evening of the 12th of August [Siri, p. 581; Cardella VII, 21]. According to Battista Nani (who was Venetian Ambassador to the French Court from 1644 to 1648), Panciroli carried Instructions from the Spanish Court [Historia de la Republica Veneta, parte seconda, Libro Primo p. 3]:
Il Cardinal Albornoz, che dirigeva il partito Spagnuolo, publicamente al solo Sachetti opponeva, ma sotto mano attraversava d' ogn' altro le prattiche, affine d' eseguire gli ordini, che il Pancirolo ritornato da quella Nunciatura gli haveva portato, di promuovere unicamente Pamfilio, ma per giunger' al segno, bisignova vincer' Antonio, nè ciò si poteva senza ingannar' i Francesi. Pancirolo dunque vi s' impiegò con artificj, e lusinghe, dando speranza di matrimonio di una figliuola del Prefetto in Camillo Pamfilio unico Nipote del Cardinale.
On Thursday, August 18, the Scrutiny was prolonged to a length of five hours, due to a number of errors. Cardinal Crescenzi (because of his age, it is said), in submitting his ballot, forgot to insert the name of the candidate for whom he was voting; he asked the Infirmarii to return his ballot so that he could add the name to it, but they were unwilling to do so without authorization from the Sacred College, where there then ensued a lengthy debate. The Dean was willing to accommodate the sick Cardinal, but Cardinal Antonio Barberini objected, on the grounds that the act had been completed when submitted to the Infirmarii and that it should be counted as "Nemini". A vote was finally taken and 24 cardinals voted to count Crescenzi's ballot as "Nemini", while 28 voted to allow him to make a new ballot—to the great embarassment of the Barberini faction. The Scrutiny was annulled anyway, due to the absence of one ballot, and another Scrutiny was ordered. On August 18, Cardinal Francesco Cennini de' Salamandri (called the Cardinal of S. Marcello) received 21 votes on the Scrutiny (twenty-four after the accessio)—a good sign in the view of Cardinal Barberini [Siri, p. 640; cf. p. 608; Cardella VII, p. 8]. Cennini, however, was a candidate favored by the Spanish, was one of the "Old Cardinals" of Pope Paul V (Borghese), and was not a member of the Barberini faction. His vote count was a sufficient number, though, to guarantee a virtual exclusiva against any other candidate. His candidacy, however, was hampered by his own age; the strain of his candidacy revealed his physical weakness, and he was seen as unfit for the Papal throne. His supporters transferred their votes to Cardinal Sacchetti [Siri, p. 609].
Around this time the French Ambassador, Saint-Chamont, became alarmed by the movement of Spanish Neapolitan troops on the southern border of the Papal States. He feared that this might be an invasion, with the purpose of capturing the College of Cardinals and forcing the election of a pope favorable to the Spanish interest. He therefore rushed to the Conclave and obtained an interview with the Heads of the Orders at the gate of the Conclave. He offered the Cardinals the full support of the French, and informed them that the Marshal de Brézé was at Marseille, with a fleet and troops, prepared to rush to the assistance of the College of Cardinals (He was in fact heading for Catalonia). There were also French troops in Lombardy and Savoy who could be called upon to defend the Papal States if need be. Cardinal Crescentio thanked the King of France cordially for his offer. When the Spanish ambassador heard what had happened, he immediately, the next day, headed for the Conclave and made similar offers in the name of the King of Spain. He too was cordially thanked. Presently, on August 21, Cavaliere Gondi, the representative of the Grand Duke arrived at the entrance to the Conclave, and announced that the Prince of Parma was also ready to intervene to help the Sacred College. Cardinal de' Medici immediately sent the Count of Carpegna to Caprarola, with urgent advice to remove the offending troops from the papal borders. Nothing came of all this posturing, though, at the moment, it must have unnerved the members of the Sacred College. On August 23, Mangelli, the Agent of Parma, appeared, demanding relief from the exactions of the papal government, on the grounds that they were contrary to a treaty signed personally by the Barberini Pope, Urban VIII. Such was neither the time nor the place for such matters. According to canon law, the Cardinals had power to do nothing except elect a pope; they certainly could not revise a treaty, nor order papal officials not to carry out their statutory duties. The matter was turned over to an Advocate of the Sacred College to prepare a reply to the Duke of Parma. But Parma was taking advantage of the moment to embarass Cardinal Antonio Barberini and his anti-Spanish efforts. Finally the Spanish Ambassador reappeared at the gate of the Conclave, to smooth over (ritorcere "twist around") the disagreement with the Sacred College.
On Wednesday, August 24, Antonio Barberini sent off to the French Ambassador and the Chargé d' Affaires a memorandum, which proposed the candidacy of Cardinal Pamphili, and enumerated the reasons both in favor and against his candidacy. Saint-Chamont replied immediately, on the next day, advising the Cardinal to stick to the royal Instructions [Siri, p. 649]: Questo nuovo corriere mi ha confermata di nuovo l' intera protettione della Francia per la persona e casa di V. Em.; e pero io la supplico di fare ogni sforzo in questa occasione per servire la Maesta loro secondo le sue intentioni. E perche ho ragionato ampiamente di questo negotio col Signor Vincenzo Martinozzi, io mi rimettere a lui. Barberini's thoughts, he said, were contrary to the wishes of the Queen, as expressed both in the original Instructions and in the updated ones: i suoi sensi perche sono interamente contrarij à quelli della Regina, non solo nella prima instruttione, che V. Em. ha letta, mà ancora nella seconda, che hebbi hieri per un corriere straordinario. On Friday, August 26, Barberini sent another long memorandum on the subject of Pamphili, entitled Epilogo delle cose, che occorrono al Signor Cardinale Antonio in proposito dello spaccio pervenientoli il giorno di S. Luigi dal Signor Ambasciadore di Francia, e dal Signor Vincenzo Martinozzi. The Ambassador replied immediately, on the 27th, in very plain and emphatic terms [Siri, pp. 651-652]: Il Signor Martinozzi, e me siamo stati questa mattina trè hore insieme a parlare di Pamphilio, mà dopo haver ben pesato, et esaminato tutte le ragioni, e considerationi che vi si possono apportare; io non trovo di protettione per la vostra casa, solida, che quella del Re: e questa è interamente nelle vostre mani con l' elettione di un Papa tale quale desidera S. M. et vio conformandoni alle sue volontà. (Martinozzi was a close personal friend of Mazarin; his son was married to Mazarin's sister) Barberini went back to the campaign for Sacchetti, but the business of Pamphili was not done.
On Tuesday, August 30, after the customary Mass of the Holy Spirit, yet another Scrutiny began. The first vote read out was for Sacchetti [Histoire des conclaves 2, p. 458]. Antonio Barberini had been working hard for his and the French Court's chosen candidate, and he expected that Sacchetti would receive twelve votes on the Scrutiny, and at the Accessio would obtain twenty-six more, for a total of thirty-eight. This was one more than necessary for a canonical election. Barberini believed he had beaten the Spanish exclusiva. Imagine the depth of his disappointment and mortification when Sacchetti received only five votes on the Scrutiny and an equal number on the Accessio! [Siri, Mercurio, p. 622]. The Barberini faction was beginning to wander.
On Sunday, September 4, the French Ambassador Saint-Chamont wrote to Cardinal Antonio Barberini in the Conclave, advising him that he did not consider it to be Barberini's fault as to what had happened in the campaign for Cardinal Maculani. At the same time he advised him to keep the Conclave going and not to do anything as far as Pamphili was concerned until specific instructions had been received from France. The Ambassador had sent off a fast courier; an answer could be expected in twenty days [Siri, 676]. Barberini, nonetheless, was to use every means to make sure that France had enough votes for Pamphili's exclusion. On the 5th, the Ambassador went so far as to threaten Barberini with disgrace and worse if he did not adhere to the instructions sent from the French Court [Siri, p. 670]:
Mà io non comprendo punto la pretestatione di V. E. nella sua prima lettera; nè la preghiera, ch' ella mi fà nella seconda di scaricarla del peso de gli affari del Re, ch' ella nomina insoportabile; poiche ella sà benè, ch' io son manchevole di potere, e che quando l' havesse, non supro i impiegarlo à ciò, per lo meno che n' essere suo nemico giaruto; non stimando già, che alcuno de' vostri servitori, vi possi duro un simile consiglio; nè che V. E. stessa lo voglia seguire dopo haverlo ben pesato. Onde io non ne scrivero punto in Corte: ma diro bene francamente a V. Em. che l' autorità del Re e ad un punto, che vi sono pochi Principi in Europa per rilevati, che sieno, che non desiderivo d' essere honorati de' suoi comandamenti, et a' quali non sia insopprotabile d' esserne privi. A che io aggiungo, che se l' elettione, che si sara in Conclave non piacera alle Loro Maestà, la Chiesa vi perdera molto e V. Em. e la vostra casa ne ricevera il danno, e gran perdita di riputatione d' havere lasciato correre alla Francia un tale scacco sotto la sua protettione.
This was certainly going too far. Barberini was not the chamberlain of the King of France, to be ordered about like a servant; he was the Chamberlain of the Holy Roman Church and the late Pope's nephew. But the Ambassador added a note of his own to the dispatch of Barberini's memorandum of August 26 to the French Court —unfortunately for his future— endorsing Barberini's observations, and seconding the idea that it was necessary to save the situation, or put the best face on it, by actually promoting the candidacy of Pamphili [Siri, 666].
Barberini complained in return that his efforts were being complicated by Fr. Michele Mazzarino, OP, the Master of the Sacred Palace, and brother of Cardinal Mazarin. Father Mazzarino was conducting his own campaign of exclusion against Cardinal Vincenzo Maculani, OP, the Cardinal of S. Clemente, which was dividing both the French and Barberini's creature. But there seemed to be no way that Cardinal Barberini could satisfy both French demands. He wrote to the Ambassador Saint-Chamont on September 9 [Siri, p. 671]:
Non lasciai ancora di dire in qualche proposito, ch' era molto fallace il giudicio delle cose, che si dava fuori del Conclave perche quivi era sempre convenuto à tutti mutar più, e più volte le determinationi; e che hoggi con la Bolla era certo, che più sarebbe occorso di farlo. Ne sarà nuovo, che io le dicessi, che non mi sarei caricato d' altre esclusioni particolarmente contra le creature per non rendermi affatto esoso alla fattione; oltre ch' è certo, che due esclusioni non possono mantenersi; il che non lascio di notificare à V. E. anche in continentione del zelo immutabile, che hò per la Francia, non mi potendo nè meno dar maggior forza à mantenere due esclusioni, anche il non nascer questa di S. Clemente dal puro riguardo del P. Mazzarini, ma da relationi havutesi in Francia del detto Cardinale, quali saranno certamente procedute da chi gli vuol male, essendo io assai informato de' suoi affari.
The Ambassador replied on the next day that it was true that two exclusiva were difficult to manage—if they were formal and public; but neither Pamphili's nor Maculani's had been publicly announced, and as far as he knew from Barberini himself, there was no intention of making them public and official. In fact, Antonio Barberini had the promise of twenty-five cardinals NOT to vote for Pamphili without his consent [Siri, p. 642]. That was certainly a virtual exclusiva. It was his brother, Francesco Barberini, however, who wanted to make Pamphili's exclusion a public matter, and he was pressing both Antonio and Cardinal Bichi to do so [Siri, 643-644]. Cardinal Rapacciolo, suspecting that Francesco Barberini was up to something, obtained a written promise from Cardinal Bichi not to discuss the subject of Pamphili without the presence of Cardinal Antonio Barberini. Francesco was indeed up to something, the candidacy of Cardinal Pamphili. Antonio's own party was becoming very difficult to control. A month locked up in the Vatican Apostolic Palace in the heat of a Roman summer can not have helped matters.
Barberini finally decided to open negotiations with the Spanish. He held a conversation with the Jesuit Cardinal Lugo, and convinced him to speak with Cardinal Albornoz, and present a number of propositions to him. He let it be known that he was not going to exclude Cardinal Pamphili [portrait bust at left], but he did want the Spanish to withdraw the exclusiva against Cardinal Sacchetti. On the Spanish side, the problem was that the only instruction they had received was the exclusion of Sacchetti (or at least that is what Siri believed). Besides that, they had no direction as to what to do next, or whom to offer as an alternative. Albornoz consulted with the Spanish Ambassador (though not with Cardinal de' Medici, the Protector of Spain at the Holy See), who reacted suspiciously, pointing out that the minute the exclusiva was removed, Barberini could ram through the election of Sacchetti. After all, it was a secret vote. Only the election of Pamphili could protect Spain from that threat. Lugo therefore had to report back to Bernini that the exclusiva against Sacchetti could not be lifted, since it was the will of King Philip IV.
At the same time, Barberini was attempting to put together a group of his cardinals who would vote for Pamphili. As he wrote to the Ambassador:
si tratta di fare Papa il Signor Cardinale Pamphilio, et à questo io non posso rimediare, e vado considerando, che saria più servitio della Francia l' acconsentirvi, che 'l dissentirvi acciò potiamo havere un Papa amorevole, et obligato; e non haverlo contrario, e disgustato.
A committee was put together to see if they could come together and agree on a candidate; the Spanish appointed Cardinal Capponi and Cardinal Cornaro; Antonio Barberini appointed Cardinal Poli [Siri, p. 676]. Pamphili himself kept remarking that he was not interested in being elected Pope, protective coloration no doubt to deflect the attention of the French cardinals from the prattica of Francesco Barberino on his behalf. He also had to hide his true feelings about Cardinal Antonio from Antonio himself. Antonio Barberini had to use great caution, so as not to provoke Cardinal Bichi to announce an exclusiva against Pamphili on behalf of the French. It is true that the French Court had not authorized a public and official exclusiva, but Bichi could still be frightened into making an announcement anyway in the assurance that he was doing what was right for the French Crown. His agreement not do discuss Pamphili except in the presence of Antonio Barberini had many loopholes in it. Any move by Bichi might destroy the campaign for Pamphili.
On Saturday, September 10, Cardinals Gaspare Matthaei [Siri, pp. 654-655] and Giulio Gabrielli left the Conclave, due to illness, though Cardinal Gabrielli returned on the morning of September 15, in time to vote in the last scrutiny. Mattei and Orsini, though they were still outside the Conclave due to illness, were available to be summoned immediately if necessary. In the judgment of Cardinal Albornoz, the leader of the Spanish faction, however, their participation was not necessary. The number of Cardinals present at that time, therefore, was 54 [Siri, p. 685; Gauchat, p. 27 n. 2]. The number needed to elect was 36. The French Ambassador, Saint-Chaumont, advised Antonio Barberini to give up the effort for Cardinal Maculano. Cardinal Antonio wrote to the Marquis de Saint-Chamont while Maculano's campaign was still going on [Siri, p. 675]:
Hò participato con li Signori Cardinali Lione, e Theodoli il negotio circa il Signor Cardinale Pamphilio, e concorrono con la mia opinione di acconsentire alla sua elettione. Al Signore Cardinale Bichi non ne hò parlato perche lui si mostra troppo appassionato contra il Signor Cardinale Pamphilio.
But when the news got around the Conclave that the French Ambassador had advised his faction to drop Maculano, his campaign collapsed immediately.
On one of these days (Siri does not say which; though he reports it sequentially after the departure of Cardinal Mattei) a Scrutiny was held, in which Cardinal Cennini received 14 votes on the scrutiny and eleven more on the accessio, for a total of twenty-five [Siri, 676]. Cardinal Antonio Barberini was so indignant at the proceedings, so frustrated, so exasperated, that he fell ill, with symptoms of diarrhoea and vomiting, and there was talk of him leaving the Conclave or of his being in danger of death. Two things were crystal clear to him: a pope could not be made without his participation; and the prospects of Sacchetti were no longer viable [Siri, 655]. Also around this time, Mazarin's secretary, Alessandro Fabri, arrived in Rome, bringing a message to Barberini to maintain the exclusiva against Pamphilio, and a letter to all the rulers of Italy not to attempt to harm the Barberini by pressuring the new Pope against his family. It seems clear that the French Court did not yet have the dispatch containing Barberini's memorandum in favor of supporting Pamphili, or Saint-Chaumont's endorsement of it. Their reaction to those materials did not reach Rome until September 19, by which time it was too late to have any effect.
On the morning of Wednesday, September 14, Barberini sent Cardinal Facchinetti to Cardinal Albornoz, to propose a candidate who was acceptable to Spain—Cardinal Pamphilio; and to request the Spanish king to extend his protection to the family of Barberini, against any action the King of France might take against it. Albornoz gave the appropriate positive responses, and promised that he would speak with his faction immediately, indicating that on the next scrutiny the Spanish faction hoped to give him fifteen votes for Pamphilio. Barberini thereupon made his decision to bring about the election. He spoke to his brother, and sent Facchinetti and Rappaciolo to inform the cardinals who were on his list of supporters [Siri, p. 680]. That evening Cardinal Panciroli arranged a meeting between Pamphili and the Barberini brothers; and then they went publicly to call on Cardinal de' Medici in his cell. All then went to Cardinal Albornoz' cell, and from there they went to call on Cardinal Pamphilio and acquaint him with what was about to happen. Meanwhile, the French found out what was going on, and Bichi and Richelieu set out, without success, to stop the rush to Pamphili. Bichi accosted Antonio Barberini in the Sala Regia, and spent two hours, without success, to turn him back to the exclusiva against Pamphili.
On the Thursday, the 15th of September, there were 54 cardinals present in the Sistine Chapel. The Scrutiny was taking place an hour or two late, according to the decision of the Camerlengo, Cardinal Antonio Barberini. As arranged, Cardinal Albornoz and his faction cast their fifteen votes for Cardinal Pamphili; then Cardinal Barberini's followers presented their 33 votes for Cardinal Pamphili at the accessio. That left only the five French in opposition, obedient to their inflexible instructions to the humiliating end. Cardinal Giambattista Pamphili was elected with 48 votes. At the age of seventy, he was the fifth-oldest Cardinal at the Conclave. The proceedings were registered by the principal Ceremoniere, Gaspar Servantius [Gattico, Acta selecta cerimonialia I (Rome 1753), 352-353]:
Ego Gaspar Servantius una cum sociis Apostolicae Sedis Caeremoniariis Magistris, ac Prothonotariis rogatus, et requisitus attestor Eminentiss. et Rmum D. Joannem Baptistam tit. S. Eusebii Presbyterum Cardinalem Pamphilium acceptasse electionem de se legitime et canonice factam in Summum Pontificen praesentibus Reverendiss. D. Francisco Thaddaeo Altino Sacrista, et Josepho Franfanello Secretario Sac. Collegii testibus adhibitis atque rogatis, et imposito sibi nomine Innocentii X.
The Fisherman's Ring was presented to the new Pope by Cardinal Antonio Barberini, the Camerlengo. When the ceremony of adoration was completed, since the hour was late, the Pope dined in Cardinal Barberini's cell, while the public announcement of the Election was made by Cardinal de' Medici. After eating, the Pope retired to the chambers of Msgr. Frenfanello. the Secretary of the College of Cardinals, for a brief nap. Then, in the Sistine Chapel, he received the Prefect of the City, Taddeo Barberini, and the Ambassadors of the Emperor (Duke Savelli) and the King of Spain; Don Paolo Giordano Orsini, Duke of Bracciano, and Don Marcantonio Colonna, Duke of Tagliacozzo; after which the Pope mounted the sedia gestatoria and was carried to the Vatican Basilica, to be acclaimed by the Clergy, Nobility and People of Rome. The French exclusiva against Cardinal Pamphili, issued on September 5 and 6, did not reach in Rome until September 19 [Siri, p. 695; Instructions of the Sieur de Gremonville].
Cardinal Pamphili was crowned Pope Innocent X on Tuesday (unusually), October 4 by the Cardinal Protodeacon, Carlo Cardinal de' Medici [Gattico, Acta selecta cerimonialia I (Rome 1753), 409-411], and on November 23 he took formal possession of S. Giovanni Laterano [Gattico, Acta selecta cerimonialia I (Rome 1753), 411-416; Cancellieri, Storia de solenni Possessi, pp. 207-256]. On that latter occasion, the Pope distributed to the Cardinals and Roman Princes gold and silver medals with the inscription "Unde veniet auxilium mihi" [Psalms 120 (121). 1].
The French Ambassador Saint-Chamont was recalled (a decision taken in Paris by December 16, 1644), and exiled to his properties [Chéruel, Histoire de France II, p. 151]. Cardinal Antonio Barberini was relieved of his position of Protector of France, and told to remove the French royal arms from his buildings (Letter of Louis XIV, October 4, 1644). Then the former Cardinal Nephew was deprived of the Legateship of Avignon, and replaced by the new Pope's nephew, Cardinal Camillo Pamphili (December 13, 1644). For the Barberini far worse was yet to come.
Felice Contelori, Oratio in funere Urbani VIII P.O.M. ad sacrum collegium em. card. habita in basilica Vaticana die VIII augusti 1644 (Romae: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae 1644). Cardinal Bernardino Spada, Conclave fatto nella sede vacante di Urbano VIII nel quale fu creato pont. il card. G. B. Panfilo detto Innocenzo X [Cod. Vat. Ottob. 2798 c. 283]. Antonio Gerardi, Roma festeggiante per la elettione del nuovo Pontefice Nostro Signore Innocenzo X, romano, eletto il 15 Sett. 1644. Descritta da Antonio Gerardi, Romano, Registratore di Bolle della Santità Sua (Roma: appresso Lodovico Grinani 1644) [ non vidi ] Compita relatione del sontuoso apparato, festa, cavalcata et cerimonie fatta in Roma a' di 23 Novembre 1644 nel pigliare il possesso la Sta di N. S. Innocentio X alla sua chiesa Laterense, etc. (Roma: Mascardi MDCXLIV) [ non vidi ]. A bibliography of additional ephemeral materials can be found in Cancellieri, p. 208 n.2; and in G. Novaes, Introduzione alle vite de sommi pontefice I, 296; and Elementi X, p. 8 n. (a).
Louis XIV, Lettre du Roy escrite à son Ambassadeur à Rome, le 4. Octobre 1644 (Paris 1649).
Negociations à la Cour de Rome, et en differentes Cours d' Italie, de Messire Henri Arnauld, Abbé de S. Nicolas, depuis Evêque d' Angers 2 tomes (1743).
Francesco Tommasucci, "Vita di Urbano VIII"; Antonio Bagatta, "Vita di Innocenzo X," in: Bartolomeo Platina, ed altri, Storia delle vite de' Pontefici di bartolommeo Platina e d' altri autori editizione novissima Tomo Quarto (In Venezia: Domenico Ferrarin 1765), pp. 329-349; 350-370.
Vittorio Siri, Consigliere di Stato et Historiografo della Maestà Christianissima, Del Mercurio, overo Historia de' correnti tempi, Tomo IV, parte secondi (Casale: Giorgio del Monte 1655. [pp. 563 ff.]. Battista Nani, Historia della Republica Veneta di Battista Nani, Cavaliere, e Procurator di S. Marco parte seconda (Bologna: Gioseffo Longhi: 1680).
Giuseppe de Novaes, Elementi della storia de' sommi pontefici da San Pietro sino al ... Pio Papa VII third edition, Volume 10 (Roma 1822) 6-10. Alexis Francois Artaud de Montor, Histoire des souverains pontifes V (Paris 1851) 375-390. F. Petruccelli della Gattina, Histoire diplomatique des conclaves III (Paris 1865), pp. 96-129. Hermann Conring (editor), De electione Vrbani IIX et Innocentii X Pontificum Commentarii historici duo (Helmestadii: Henningus Mullerus 1651). Ernesta Chinazzi, Sede vacante per la morte del papa Urbano VIII Barberini e conclave di Innocenzo X Pamfili (agosto-settembre 1644) (Roma, 1904).
Augusto Bazzoni, Un nunzio starordinario alla corte di Francia nel secolo XVII (Firenze 1882). Henri Coville, Étude sur Mazarin et ses démêlés avec le Pape Innocent X. 1644-1648 ( Paris: Champion 1914). A. Chéruel (editor), Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin pendant son Ministère Tome premier (Paris 1872); Tome II (Paris 1879). A. Chéruel, Histoire de France, pendant la minorité de Louis XIV Tome second (Paris: Hachette 1879).
D. Marciani, Descrittione delle Cerimonie fatte dentro, e fuori del Conclave avanti et doppo la cretione del Sommo Pontefice Innocentio Decimo (Roma: appresso D. Marciani 1644) [non vidi].
Ludwig Wahrmund, Das Ausschliessungs-recht (jus exclusivae) der katholischen Staaten Österreich, Frankreich und Spanien bei den Papstwahlen (Wien: Holder 1888). Ludwig Wahrmund, "Beiträge zur Geschichte des Exclusionsrechtes bei den Papstwahlen aus römischen Archiven," Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, philosophisch-historische Klasse, Band CCXXII, xiii (Wien 1890). Ludwig Wahrmund, Zur Geschiste des exclusionrechtes bei den Papstwahlen im 18 Jahrhundert. Neue Beitrage aus römischen Archiven ( Mainz 1892).
Ferdinand Gregorovius, Urbano VIII e la sua opposizione alla Spagna e all' Imperatore (Roma: Fratelli Bocca 1879).
Sieur de Figuire, Les dernieres paroles de Monsieur de Saint-Chamond (Paris 1649). Maurice de Boissieu, Généalogie de la Maison de Saint-Chamond (Saint-Étienne 1888).
Cardinal Maculani: A. Touron, OP, Histoire des hommes illustres de l' Ordre de Saint Dominique Tome cinquième (Paris 1748), pp.449-458. R. P. Mortier, OP, Histoire des Maîtres Généraux de l' Ordre des Frères Prêcheurs Tome sixieme, 1589-1650 (Paris 1913), pp. 443-499.
© 2009, 2014 John Paul Adams, CSUN