SEDE • VACAN | TE • MDCCLVIII
Shield with the Coat of Arms of Girolamo Card. Colonna, Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church, upon the Cross of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, crossed keys above, surmounted by Cardinal's hat with six tassels on each side; the Ombrellone over all.
Berman, p. 187 #2887.
GIROLAMO CARDINAL COLONNA DI SCIARRA (1708-1763), son of Francesco Colonna (4th Prince of Carbognano) and Vittoria Salviati, belonged to the celebrated Roman family of the Colonna, only one of whose members, Martin V, ever became pope. He became a Cardinal deacon on September 9, 1743, delaying his reception of minor orders until 1746; he became Cardinal Deacon of S. Angelo in Pescheria (1743–1753); he was appointed archpriest of S. Maria Maggiore. He was made Vice-Chancellor of the Holy Roman Church in 1753, and was appointed Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church on September 20, 1756, a post he held until his death on January 18, 1763. He was Grand Prior in Rome of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem—hence the Maltese cross behind his stemma.
The Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals was Raniero Cardinal d' Elci. He had been Nuncio to the French Court in the 1730's.
The Governor of the Conclave was the Prefect of the Apostolic Palaces, Monsignor Marcantonio Colonna (born in Rome August 16, 1724; died there December 4,1793), a member of the Roman nobility, A Neapolitan patrician, and a Venetian patrician. He was the son of Principe Don Fabrizio Colonna, 10th Prince and Duke of Paliano, and Caterina Salviati, daughter of the third Duke of Giuliano. He became a Cardinal in 1759, and was assigned the titulus of Santa Maria in Aquiro (which he exchanged for Santa Maria della Pace in 1762, and San Lorenzo in Lucina in 1764). Ordained in 1761, he was promoted titular Archbishop of Corinth in 1762, and became Vicar General of the city of Rome. He was made Archpriest of Santa Maria Maggiore (the Liberian Basilica) in 1775. In 1784 he was further promoted to the title of Cardinal Bishop of Palestrina.
Inscription: "Marcus Antonius Colonna, Prefect of the Sacred Apostolic Palaces and Governor of the Conclave, 1758.".
The Secretary of the Sacred College of Cardinals was Leonardo Antonelli of Senigaglia, utriusque signaturae Referendarius.
The Magistri Ceremoniarum were: Msgr. Ignatius Reali [Romanus], Msgr. Venatius Piersanti [Matelica], Msgr. Nuntius Sperandio [Aquila], Msgr. Franciscus Cajetanus Diversini [Romanus], Abate Joannes Lucca [Romanus], and Abate Joannes Baptista Valeriani [Romanus].
One of the Church's major problems was the Company of Jesus, the Jesuits. In the opinions of many of the rulers of Europe they were out of control, engaging in activities which were beyond what was expected of their own order, or the clerical calling, or the Church itself. These various activities, it seemed, were working to the detriment of the rulers, individually and collectively. The Jesuits, in their view, were manipulating the policies not only of the Catholic Church but of individual governments as well. To take just one example from 1757, the Jesuit Provincial in Paris, one Forestier, was providing secret information about the troubles of the French monarchy with the Church of France to Cardinal Albani, the leader of the Imperial faction at the Papal Court [Boutry, Choiseul à Rome, p. 294; cf. Benedict XIVs encyclical Ex omnibus of October 16, 1756, on the Church in France, at pp. 319-327]. As nationalism grew stronger and stronger and spread, the Jesuits were seen as its enemy. The Bourbon family, whose members ruled in a number of capitals, including Paris and Madrid, had decided that their Family Compact required them to strike at these priests who were threatening the family's joint interests. The Marquis de Pombal, the Portuguese first minister, put his complaints against the Jesuits into a memorandum of October 8, 1757, and again in a second, of February 10, 1758, which he sent to the Portuguese Minister in Rome to present to Pope Benedict XIV [Collecção dos Negocios de Roma no Reinado de El-Rey Dom Jose I. Ministerio do Marquez de Pombal e Pontificados de Benedicto XIV e Clemente XIII. 1755-1760 Parte I (Lisboa 1874), 41-48]. The Jesuits (even in their own view) were also the subjects of attack coming from the various secret societies (the Masonic lodges in particular), whose ideals of individual liberty and the control of religious organizations by the State were at variance with the founding charter of the Company of Jesus. The principle of the Universal Sovereignty of the Pope was being set against the Power of the State. Under pressure from Portugal (the Conde de Pombal), supported by Bourbon Spain and Bourbon France, the Pope was compelled to intervene in the Jesuit situation. On April 1, 1758, Pope Benedict XIV had taken a fateful decision. He signed a letter addressed to Cardinal Francisco de Saldanha da Gama, authorizing him to act as "Visitor and Reformer of the Clerics Regular of the Compañia de Jesus in the Kingdoms of Portugal and the Algarve, and the domains and provinces of the two Indies.... tam in capite quam in membris. " On June 7, 1758, the Patriarch of Lisbon, José Manoel de Cãmara, suspended all Jesuits within the Patriarchate from preaching or hearing confessions [Collecção dos Negocios de Roma no Reinado de El-Rey Dom Jose I., p. 59].
Benedict XIV (Lambertini) had pursued a policy of political neutrality among the various states in Italy and in Europe in general. This policy had been sorely tested by the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748), which had brought Prussia onto the political stage of Europe as a major figure, pitting Prussia and England against Austria and France. Frederick the Great was able to use Catholic Bavaria against both the Empire and France, by supporting the Elector for the Imperial crown as an alternative to Maria Theresa's husband Franz. A coalition was formed to put a stop to Prussia's growing power and expansion. It included Austria, France, Russia, Sweden and Saxony; England, which was fighting France in the French and Indian War, again supported Prussia. The Seven Years War broke out in August, 1756. On the previous December 6, 1757, the Austrian army of some 80,000 men had been thoroughly defeated at the Battle of Leuthen. As the Conclave was meeting, the Russians had invaded East Prussia and advanced as far as the Oder River, and King Frederick had again invaded Moravia and attempted to besiege Olmütz. The French had crossed the Rhine, but were repelled by Ferdinand of Brunswick, who defeated them at Crefeld on June 23. Frederick of Prussia defeated the Russians at Zorndorf on August 25, while in the meantime the Austrians were attacking Frederick's brother Prince Henry in Saxony near Dresden. It was a busy, unpleasant, deadly Summer.
Beyond the political and military situation was the problem of the Enlightenment. Christianity had been challenged over the century gone by by Hobbes and Hume, Spinoza and Leibnitz, Diderot and D'Alembert, Rousseau and Voltaire, to name but a few. Ravignan believed that he could see an increased "violence et excitation" in Voltaire's correspondence as early as 1757 [Ravignan, Clément XIII et Clément XIV (Paris 1854), p. 23]. The Jesuits were doing their part to promote Catholic education, and it was their schools and colleges which were under particular attack [A. Theiner, Histoire des Institutions d' éducation ecclésiastique I, pp. 366-367; endorsed by Ravignan, pp. 20-21]:
Il ne manquait pas d'hommes clairvoyants en France, qui prévoyaient le mal irréparable qui résulterait, non-seulement pour leur patire, mais encore pour tous les États catholiques, si l'on ne s'appliquait avec vigeur et énergie a faire échouer le complot impie des encyclopédistes et à contrecarrer leur tendance irréligeuse. Cette tendance se dévoile mieux dans leur combat contre la société de Jésus.... Le grand obstacle qui s'opposait encore a l' exécution d'un si vaste plan, était la société de Jésus, à cause de son grand zèle pour la religion, de son influence sur l'esprit de la jeunesse, de la grande estime qu'avaient pour elle les souverains, et enfin à cause du respect inébranlable qu'elle ne cessait de professer poour la chaire de saint Pierre. Voltaire reconnut tout cela, et en conséquence dirigea tout la force de ses armes contre l'ordre des jésuites, qu'il regardait comme le seul appui qui soutenait le christianisme.
But Catholic responses to the Enlightenment only brought greater scorn upon the Church for its threadbare medieval intellectual tatters and its inquisitorial methods. The new Pope, Clement XIII, for example, thought it a good idea to issue a Bull, Ut Primum, on September 3, 1759, condemning and forbidding people to read the Encyclopédie—as though they would [Barberi and Spetia (editors) Bullarii Romani continuatio I (Romae 1835), p. 222, no. LXXIV]. The Decrees of the Council of Trent had been intellectually obsolete on the day the Council adjourned for the last time, and the repetition of formulae had not slowed Protestantism or impressed intellectuals. Free-thinking was the order of the day. Freemasonry had, of course, been condemned by the Papacy, by Clement XII's Bull In eminenti of April 28, 1738 [Bullarium Romanum Turin edition 24 (1872), CCXXIX, pp. 366-367], and numerous books had been placed on the Index of Prohibited Books. But the effect was nugatory.
Pope Benedict XIV began to show symptoms illness on April 26, 1758. He had a fever, which aggravated his asthma, and he had difficulties in urinating. The last symptom was part of his kidney disease which manifest itself in his lengthy acquaintance with gout (podagra) [Montor, 109]. His hearty appetite, however, was not affected. But on May 3, 1758, aged eighty-three, he died [reports of the Count of Rivera to Cavaliere Ossorio, minister of the King of Sardinia, in Petruccelli IV, 137].
During this Sede Vacante, the ninth day of the Novendiales was not observed, since it fell on Pentecost Sunday, the celebration of which took absolute precedence. Pope Benedict's funeral oration was pronounced by Msgr. Tommaso Antonio Emaldi, Professor of Canon Law at the Sapienza and Canon of the Lateran Basilica, who was Secretary of Latin Briefs to Benedict XIV.
Twenty-seven of the fifty-five cardinals entered conclave on the opening day. Five cardinals who were in Rome that day did not enter conclave due to illness; one, Mesmer, never entered at all, while the other four entered on June 29, when Cardinal von Rodt, the Imperial ambassador, arrived. Ten cardinals did not participate at all. Cardinal de' Bardi had originally joined the conclave, but he left on June 24. There were, therefore, forty-four electors in the later stages of the conclave. Thirty votes were needed for a canonical election.
An official list of the Cardinals and their Conclavists and dapiferi who participated in the Conclave of 1758 is contained in the Motu Proprio Nos volentes of Clement XIII (July 11, 1758) [Bullarii Romani continuatio (ed. A. Barbieri and A. Spetia) Tomus primus (Romae 1835), pp. 7-8 and 15-17].
In a letter of May 6, 1758, the Neapolitan Minister of Carlos III, Marchese Bernardo Tanucci, wrote his instructions for Cardinal Domenico Orsini da Gravina. The date of his letter suggests that the Neapolitans, at least, had been thinking in advance about the possible candidates for the Papacy. King Charles III of Naples was the brother of Duke Philip of Parma. France had secretly promised the Duchy of Milan to the Duke of Parma, but at the conclusion of the War of the Austrian Succession the Austrians negotiated a treaty that returned the situation in Italy to the status quo ante. France had acquiesced in this, and Austria remained in possession of Milan and Tuscany. The Duke of Parma had been deceived. The Bourbons and the Hapsburgs were face to face in northern Italy, as they had been in the War of the Spanish Succession. Tanucci wrote that [Petruccelli IV, 142] he wanted a "friend" of Naples, he would content himself with "an indifferent", but, with God's help and human force, he wanted to avoid an enemy. Considering the states with which Naples might come into some conflict, Piedmont and Austria, he wanted to choose from subjects of the Papal States. He named Sacripanti, Crescenzio, the two Colonnas, and Borghese. He rejected Oddi (of Perugia, bought by the Austrians), Masca, Passionei (who had been Nuncio in Vienna for nine years), Paolucci, Imperiali (who was Genoese), and certainly Spinelli (who had been made to leave the archbishopric of Naples because he had wanted to introduce the Inquisition). Orsini was advised to work with France and Spain (Bourbon monarchies), with Poland, with Cardinal de la Rochefoucald and Msgr. Clementi (the Neapolitan agent in Rome). Earlier, in a letter of January 8, 1757, Tanucci had written to the Conde de Cantillana that "Spinelli era un hombre inquieto, intrigante, vengativo, amigo de novedades y enemigo de los jesuitas, y por consecuencia poco apto para apaciguar la masa del pueblo francés." [In general, see Manuel Danvilla y Collado, Reinado di Carlos III Tomo I (Madrid 1893), 302-312 and 351-372; the letter is quoted at 302-303]. Orsini and Portocarrero decided to form a bloc sufficient to impose a virtual exclusiva, and Orsini revealed to him that he carried the Neapolitan veto of Spinelli [Petruccelli IV, 149]. Naples, of course, did not have the formal right of veto; that belonged only to France, Spain, and the Empire.
The Florentine cardinals were the subject of much suspicion in several quarters, seeing that they were subjects of the Austrians. Cardinal Bardi in particular was disliked by the Bourbon monarchies as a friend of the Jesuits. Cardinal Corsini, Bardi's cousin was a nepotist, actually had a nephew, and was soliciting a cardinalate for him. Both Bardi and Corsini were thought, even by the Austrians, to be too attached to the interests of Florence above any other. Tempi was a faithful subject of Austria, and not particularly competent. The rest were D'Elci, the Dean of the College of Cardinals, Guadagni, Feroni, Banchieri and Torregiani—a total of eight. Corsini himself was said to be pushing Sacripanti, his cousin Bardi, Imperiali, and the Dean Cardinal D'Elci. If the claim with respect to D'Elci is true, it can have been no more than a maneuver to bring time, during a short and inactive papacy, to retrench and lay plans.
The creature of Benedict XIV (Lambertini) formed a group of some twenty-three members, who were under pressure from various groups to which they also belonged by origin, by past work, or by financial considerations. Pope Benedict had not been a nepotist, and so there was no Cardinal Nephew to claim leadership.
The French had a serious problem, which the Duc de Choiseul pointed out in a memorandum of April, 1757 [Boutry, Choiseul à Rome, p. 260]. The French Ambassador in Rome, the Cardinal de Rochefoucault, had died on April 28, 1757. Who would have the authority necessary to replace him in the Sacred College if it came to a Conclave? Two French cardinals who could go to Rome were Cardinal Paul de Luynes and Cardinal Etienne-René Potier de Gesvres, but neither spoke Italian, and neither was acquainted with the customs and habits of the Court of Rome. They would be easy targets for the many intriguers who frequent a Conclave. And they would have trouble presenting French points-of-view in acceptable and convincing ways. The analysis is filled with a good dose of chauvinism; Versailles was no less filled with intrigue than Rome. Choiseul nonetheless recommended that the French Court find an Italian cardinal, who could manage the French cardinals as well as the King's affairs—a Protector. There had been no French Protector since the death of Cardinal Ottoboni during the Conclave of 1740. Choiseul suggested Spinelli, Lanti (who had solicited the position from Choiseul), and Sciarra Colonna. This matter had to be decided upon quickly, so that the appropriate Italian cardinal could be approached before a Conclave was in sight. Choiseul's successor as Ambassador in Rome was Msgr. Jean-Francois-Joseph de Rochechouart, Bishop of Laon. In a third memorandum, also of April, 1757 [Boutry, Choiseul à Rome, p. 266; cf. 235-236], Choiseul reminded the King that Paolucci, Mosca, and Sacripanti should be subject to exclusion. Also, France should work against D'Elci, Cavalchini, and Mattei, as more bad than good.
On Monday, May 15, the day after Pentecost, the Mass of the Holy Spirit was celebrated by the Dean of the Sacred College, Rainiero D'Elci. The Oratio pro pontifice eligendo was pronounced by Msgr. Giovanni Battista Bortoli, a Venetian, titular Archbishop of Nazianzus. The Conclave opened with only twenty-seven cardinals present, less than fifty percent of the total number, it was impossible as yet to proceed to a convincing election.
In the First Scrutiny, on May 16, Cardinal D'Elci received eleven votes. This was only a demonstration of strength on the part of Corsini. D'Elci was not his first choice, and at the age of 88, he could not have had a long or active pontificate. Corsini's real candidate was Spinelli, which caused shudders between Portocarrero and Orsini. Spinelli was alienated from Naples and France, and was calling himself one of the Zelanti. However, as consultations began, Portocarrero Mendoza (Cardinal Bishop of Sabina), and Domenico Orsini d' Aragona (nephew of Benedict XIII) in fact undertook to promote the candidacy of Cardinal Carlo Alberto Cavalchini (the Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars). This did not, to be sure, mean that Cavalchini was their ultimate and best candidate, only the one to be first in the brutal examination of the Scrutinies. How useful, though, if it could induce France or the Emperor to interpose their one and only veto. Corsini begged Orsini not to get a veto against Spinelli, and Orsini agreed to engage in consultations with the various Courts; Corsini too sent of letters to the various Courts, attempting to present a positive view of Spinelli. Orsini knew that if he were to have to veto Spinelli, the veto would have to be interposed by Portocarrero on behalf of the Spanish, and Orsini was not certain he could count on that. Better to make it obvious to Spinelli that he could not win, and have him cease his candidacy on his own.
Corsini must have understood the message. On the evening of May 17, Corsini suddenly began canvassing for Tamburini, a seventy-five year old Benedictine monk of the Cassenien congregation (not a monk of Monte Cassino), whose uncle had been General of the Jesuits. The intention, again, must have been to provoke Spain or France into using their formal veto. It failed, and Tamburini disappeared from the lists. Tamburini, however, remained hopeful, and made his services available to the designs of Orsini and Portocarrero (the agents of the Borbon monarchs). This, in fact, gave them one more vote for Cavalchini. Eventually, they were able to assemble a group of nineteen cardinals. But all of this was mere maneuvering. The French Ambassador, Msgr. Jean-Francois de Rochechouart, Duke-Bishop of Laon (1741-1777) [Gallia christiana IX, 559], insisted that the Cardinals wait for the arrival of the French cardinals, and Cardinal Albani likewise insisted that they wait for the arrival of Cardinal von Rodt, who would be bringing the Instructions of the Emperor Franz and Empress Maria Theresa. His Instructions were not even signed in Vienna until May 22, 1758.
On May 21, 1758, during the Sede Vacante, the XVI General Congregation of the Jesuits was also meeting in their own conclave. The previous General, Fr. Luigi Centurioni, had died on October 2, 1757, and the General Congregation began meeting on May 8, 1758 to elect his successor. They chose as their new Procurator General Fr. Lorenzo Ricci, SJ. Ricci, a Florentine, was 55 years old. His brother was First-Syndic of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany.
On June 2, 1758, the Imperial Court in Vienna issued instructions for Cardinal Albani and Marchese Clerici.
On June 3, the Count of Rivera wrote to the King of Sardinia that he thought that the Imperial candidate was Cardinal Archinto of Milan, the Vice-Chancellor [Petruccelli IV, 151-152, in his French translation]:
Les cardinaux des Légations et de l' Italie commencent à arriver et la besogne chauffe. J'ai des raisons pour douter qu' Albani veuille sincèrement Mosca; je le crois plus enclin pour Oddi. On a découvert une négociation solide en faveur d' Archinto, qui est le candidat de Vienne. Cette cour a préféré, en vue de celà, de nommer son ambassadeur extraordinaire auprès du conclave le marquis Clerici, neveu d' Archinto. L' opposition de la France cesse à cause des bonnes relations qui existent maintenant entre Vienne et Versailles. Sollicitée, la France accède à cette nomination, d'autant plus qu' Archinto serait ce pape souple—maneggievole—qui demandait Rohan. Pour plier la France, on a fait agir la princesse Trivulzi, la duchesse infante de Parme, laquelle fait prendre à Son Éminence [Archinto] l' abbé Lascari [Alessandro Lascaris dei Conti di Ventimille] pour dapifère, malgré les instances des plus distinguées familles de France; car cette place est ambitionnée à cause du privilege dont elle jouit, d' exempter des lourdes dépenses que l' investiture des bénéfices et des évêchés occasionne.
La France et l' Autriche étant d' accord, Portocarrero ne peut pas s' abstenir. Il ne s' agit maintenant que d' embaucher les électeurs. Pour cela, des manéges à ne pas finir. Les jeunes ne reculent pas; Torregiani se précipite, dans l' espoir de la secrétairerie d' Etat, ainsi que Feroni dans celui de la chancellerie. Corsini est attiré par les pratiques faites auprès de la maison Bracciano, et surtout auprès de donna Maria-Anna Cenci. Archinto est un des candidats de Spinelli, bien qu' il préfère Imperiali. Avec tout cela, qui est cependant bien joli, Archinto s' évanouira: il a contre lui les vieillards; et sans les vieux, point de pape. Puis des neveux à foison. L' anxiété de Venise pour le nouveau pape est très-grande. Outre de Rezzonico, la République a obligé le décrépit Delfino à se mettre en voyage.
Rivera's character had been noted by the ex-Ambassador of France in Rome, the Duke de Choiseul. In April of 1757 he wrote to the King of France [Boutry, Choiseul à Rome, p. 311],
Le comte de Rivera, ministre plénipotentiaire de Sardaigne, a de l' esprit et beaucoup de feu, mais il a le malheur d' être sourd absolument, de sorte qu'il est impossible de lui parler. Comme il est léger en propos, quelquefois il en tient de hasardés. Il met assez indiscrètement la Cour de Turin au-dessus de toute l'Europe, mais, à ce ridicule, il joint de la gaieté, des connaissances, et je me suis fort bien accommodé de lui.
On June 10, Cardinal Albani announced the imminent arrival of Cardinal von Rodt, with the Instructions of the Court of Vienna. But on the 17th, according to Rivera, von Rodt was not yet in the Conclave.
The results of the balloting on June 19 showed that Cardinal Cavalchini had obtained 21 votes. This made his election a serious possibility. On the 21st, his total had risen to twenty-six [Wahrmund 229; Montor says twenty-three; Novaes says thirty-three cardinals were prepared to vote for him, which is certainly wrong, as that would have made him pope]. On that same evening, Cardinal de Luynes, acting on instructions from the French government, presented to Cardinal d'Elci, the Dean of the Sacred College, the veto (exclusiva) against Cardinal Cavalchini; it is said that the reason was that Cavalchini was favorable to the Jesuits and had voted for the canonization of Robert Cardinal Bellarmine, SJ [Ravignan, 30].
On June 24, Cardinal Bardi and his conclavists exited the Conclave for reasons of health [Diario ordinario, 1 Luglio, 1758, p. 9]
Cardinal von Rodt finally appeared in the Conclave on June 29 [Petruccelli IV, 153, 158; the date given by Wahrmund, June 26, is not correct]. Up until that point, Cardinal Albani had been handling the Imperial faction alone, and working to keep together enough votes to provide a virtual exclusiva if necessary. His instructions contained remarks favorable to Cardinals Borghese, Cavalchino, Oddi, Lante, Stopani and Doria, and he was authorized to use a veto if necessary, especially against a French cardinal. Somewhere he had a list of seventeen cardinals who were acceptable to Vienna. At that point there were forty-five cardinals in the Conclave. Von Rodt's arrival had thoroughly stirred the pot, and negotiations began again. But it was the height of the Roman summer, and tempers were rising with the temperature and humidity.
It was apparently Cardinal von Rodt who, along with some of his associates, decided to put forth the name of Cardinal Rezzonico [Novaes XV, 6]. In the balloting on July 4 Rezzonico received 22 votes. On that same day Cardinal Girolamo de' Bardi was carried out of the conclave; he had been struck with illness two days earlier [Diario di Roma, 9].
On the afternoon of Thursday, the 6th of July, 1758, Rezzonico received thirty-one votes out of forty-three cast, which brought him canonical election. He chose the name Clement XIII. The Conclave had lasted 53 days, the Sede Vacante had lasted 65 days. His election was proclaimed to the people from the main exterior balcony of the Vatican Basilica at 22.45 hours by Cardinal Alessandro Albani, the prior diaconum. At 23.00 hours, the new pope returned to the Sistine Chapel, vested in gold mitre and red cope, and seated himself upon the altar for the Second Adoration. When that was concluded, the Pope was escorted to S. Peter's Basilica, where the Third Adoration took place. The procession was led by Prince Colonna, the Governor of Rome, the Duke of Guadagnuolo, master of the Sacred Hospice; and the Ambassador of Bologna.
The Venetian Cardinal Carlo della Torre Rezzonico, Bishop of Padua, was crowned at St. Peter's on July 16, 1758, and he took solemn possession of the Lateran Basilica on November 13.
Cardinal Archinto was appointed Secretary of State; he died however on September 30. He was succeeded by Cardinal Luigi Maria Torrigiani, one of the most committed of the supporters of the Jesuits. Cardinal Calvachini was appointed pro-Datary, and Monsignor Carlo Rezzonico, nephew of the Pope, was appointed Secretary of Memorials.
On April 20, 1759, Pombal caused Joseph I of Portugal to send a letter to the Pope, announcing his intention to expel the Jesuits from Portugese territories.
Relazione di Rome intorno all' Elezione del sommo pontefice Clemente XIII. Seguita li 6. Luglio 1758. (Roma 1758) Seconda relazione. De' 15. Luglio 1758. Terza relazione. De' 22. Luglio 1758.
Brevi e distinte Notizie dell' esaltazione al pontificato di Sua Santita Clemente XIII. Rezzonico Veneziano (Venezia: Benedetto Milocco 1758).
Diario ordinario (Roma: Chracas 1758).
Geheime und zuverlassige Geschichte von dem Konklave und der Wahl der sechs leztern Papste, als Benedikt XIII. Klemens XII. Benedikt XIV. Klemens XIII. Klemens XIV. und Pius des VIten (Mit Sonnleithnerischen Schriften, 1782), 23-28.
Giuseppe Novaes, Elementi della storia de' sommi pontefice terza edizione Volume 14 (Roma 1822) 244-246 [death of Benedict XIV]; Volume 15 (Roma 1822), 1-7 [Election of Clement XIII (Rezzonico)].
[Continuators of B. Platina], Vita di Clemente XIII pontefice massimo (Venezia: Domenico Ferrarin 1769), 5-7; 16. Alexis François Artaud de Montor, Histoire des souverain pontifes romains VII (Paris 1851) 116-119. Xavier de Ravignan, SJ, Clement XIII et Clement XIV 2 volumes (Paris 1854). G. P. Grimani, Sull' elezione del card. Carlo Rezzonico... (Padova 1875) Ludwig Wahrmund, Ausschliessungs-recht (jus exclusivae) (Wien 1888) 228-229.
Geheime und zuverlassige Geschichte von dem Konklave und der Wahl der sechs leztern Pabste, als: Benedikt XIII. Clemens XII. Benedikt XIV. Clemens XIII. Clemens XIV. und Pius des VIten (Mit Sonnleithnerischen Schriften 1782). Andrea Moschetti, Venezia e l' elezione di Clemente XIII (Venezia: Vicentini 1890).
Maurice Boutry, Choiseul à Rome, 1754-1757 (Paris: Calmann Lévy 1895) ['Mémoire sur le conclave' (November 19, 1756), pp. 221-255 ; 'Deuxième mémoire' (April 1757), pp. 256-266; 'Troisième mémoire' (April 1757), pp. 266-312].
D. Gravino, Per la storia del conclave di Clemente XIII (1758) (Genova: Sordimuti 1898).
Pietro Luigi Galletti, OSBCassin., Memorie per servire alla storia della vita del Cardinale Domenico Passionei, Segretario dei Brevi e Bibliotecario della S. Sede Apostolica (Roma: Generoso Salamoni 1762).
Carini, Isidoro, L' Arcadia dal 1690 al 1890. Memorie storiche 2 volumes (Roma 1891). Crescimbeni, Giovanni Mario, Le vite degli Arcadi illustri Prima parte (Roma: Antonio de Rossi 1708); Parte Seconda (1710); Parte Terza (1714); Parte Quarta (1727); Parte Quinta (1750).
© 2009 John Paul Adams, CSUN