CARDINAL LUIGI CORNARO (1518-1564), a Venetian, member of a senatorial family, he was the son of Giovanni Cornaro. His great-aunt was Catherine, Queen of Cyprus. He enlisted as a Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and rose to be the Prior of Cyprus. Created a Cardinal Deacon in 1551 by Pope Julius III, and given the Deaconry of S. Teodoro. He was promoted to being Cardinal Priest of S. Marco in 1561. He presided over the commission of cardinals which supervised the persecution of the Carafa family and associates. In 1568, he opted for the titulus of S. Vitale, and then in 1569 the titulus of S. Clemente. He became Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church on May 10, 1570, and held the post until his death in 1584. He purchased the office of Camerlengo for 70,000 scudi from Cardinal Bonelli, the nephew of Pius V. The money was needed by the Pope to promote the war against the Turks (Cardella, IV 330-331).
The Dean of the College of Cardinals was Cardinal Giovanni Girolamo Morone. Born in Milan in 1509, the son of Count Girolamo Morone, Chancellor of the Duchy of Milan—a difficult position to hold during the struggles between François I and Charles V for possession of the duchy. Giovanni studied law at the University of Padua. He was appointed Bishop of Modena by Pope Clement VII as an act of gratitude to Giovanni's father for assistance provided during Clement's imprisonment during the Sack of Rome in 1527. Count Morone had been one of the principal negotiators between Clement and the Emperor Charles for the Pope's release [Sclopis, 2]. This made him an enemy in Cardinal Ippolito D'Este the younger, who believed he had a previous claim on the see. The issue was eventually settled in Morone's favor, but he had to provide D'Este with an annuity to compensate his 'loss'. Nonethess, Morone had to rule his diocese through intermediaries until he reached canonical age. He was finally ordained priest and consecrated bishop on January 12, 1533. In the meantime, he was sent by Clement VII to France to attempt to arrange peace with François I. In 1536 he was sent with the status of Nuncio to Bohemia and Hungary, which were ruled (in the right of his wife) by Ferdinand, King of the Romans, the younger brother of Charles V. His mission was not to engage in controversy with protestants, but to encourage Catholics and attempt to arrange the convening of a church council. Toward this end, Morone attended various church councils, Hagenau (1540), Regensburg (1541), and Speyer (1542) [Sclopis, 5-9]. He was made Cardinal Priest of San Vitale in June, 1542 by Paul III (Farnese), and received his red hat in October. He later opted for San Stefano in Monte Celio in 1549, San Lorenzo in Lucina in 1553, and Santa Maria in Trastevere in 1556. He was one of the Presidents of the Council of Trent when it opened on November 1, 1542. In 1557 he was imprisoned in Castel St. Angelo on orders of Paul IV, and was examined on charges including heresy by the Inquisition. He was finally offered release in 1559 and named Cardinal Bishop of Albano, but he refused, since Paul IV refused to apologize or exonerate him. He therefore remained in prison until Paul IV died. He participated in the Conclave of 1559. Pius IV restored him and cleared his name, whereupon he accepted the See of Albano, which he exchanged for Sabina in 1561, and then Palestrina in 1562. (Pius IV used his talents to bring the Council of Trent to a final conclusion in 1563. He became Bishop of Porto and Santa Rufina in 1565. He was present as Bishop of Porto in the coronation of the first Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cosimo I, in February and March, 1570 (Morini, 38). Finally Moroni was named Bishop of Ostia and Velletri in 1570 when he became Dean of the College of Cardinals. He died on December 1, 1580.
The Papal Master of Ceremonies since 1565 was Msgr. Cornelio Firmano, who became Bishop of Osimo in 1574. His diary survives in manuscript, in the Vatican Archives.
Pius V (Ghislieri) had long suffered from kidney stones, but claimed to have been cured repeatedly by drinking quantities of asses' milk. In March, 1572 he began to suffer from dysuria, which brought on insomnia. By March, he was in real trouble but refused to allow his physicians even to touch him as a proper examination would require, and instead recurred to his usual remedy—this time without success. He was unconscious for some time, and the report circulated in Rome and to the Crowns that he had died. But he was able to bestow his Easter blessing on the crowds, and on April 21, 1572, he made a pilgrimage to the seven pilgrimage churches of Rome. At the Lateran Basilica, he was too weak to climb the Scala Santa, but he did converse with a number of English Catholic exiles who had gathered there. He returned to the Vatican Palace and took to his bed. He died on May 1. The Acta Consistorialia report [Joseph Korzeniowski, Analecta Romana quae historiam Poloniae saec.XVI illustrant (Cracow 1894), p. 48]:
Die Iovis, prima mensis Maij MDLXXII Romae apud Sanctum Petrum hora circiter vigesima Pius PP V ab hac luce migravit.
When his body was opened, three large kidney stones were found (Montor, IV, 280-282; repeating Panvinio's "Life of Pius V" in the Platina collection, IV. 130; see also Novaes, VII, 249-250.). A description survives, deriving from the Archiatros of Pius V, Francisco Marenco di Alba (Cancellieri, 47-48):
cum diem suum obierit, tunc exenteratus fuit, ac dissecta vessica, inventi sunt tres lapides, pari magnitudine, colore, duritie ac figura; siquidem erant circulari, planaque figura, magnitudine quantum pollice ac indice digitus complecti posset, colore subnigro, ac levi superficie, qualis est in bezoar lapide vocato, duritie marmoris....
The novendiales began in St. Peter's on May 2, 1572. On January 9, 1588, his body was transferred from its temporary resting place in St. Peter's Basilica to the Chapel of Pope Sixtus V in Santa Maria Maggiore (the Liberian Basilica).
The Battle of Lepanto, on October 7, 1571, under the leadership of Don John of Austria, half-brother of King Philip II, had been a great victory against the Turks, relieving some of the pressure against the Venetians and the Empire in the Balkans. The danger, however, was that the Christian princes would return to their own squabbles with each ofher. A Crusader pope was needed, in the opinion of many, who would take the lead in the struggle against the Muslims and profit from the victory at Lepanto.
The leader of the French faction of cardinals was, as usual, the Cardinal of Ferrara, Ippolito d' Este [Petruccelli, 210]. He had a sufficient number of cardinals in his faction that he could provide a virtual exclusiva (veto) against any candidate. But Catherine de' Medicis, too, was playing a discreet role, through Cosimo I, Grand Duke of Tuscany. She was trying to outmaneuver the Huguenots in France and avert a civil war by the marriage of her daughter, Margot, with Henri de Bourbon, nephew of the Cardinal de Bourbon, who was unfortunately a lapsed Catholic and a leader of the protestants. At the same time she was using her son the Duke of Alençon to tempt Queen Elizabeth of England into marriage and a French alliance. She needed papal cooperation (which had not been forthcoming from Pius V, who had in fact made her life worse by excommunicating Elizabeth I of England) for the appropriate arrangements and dispensations. She was also involved in a struggle with the family of Guise—led by the Cardinal Charles de Guise-Lorraine—who were the leaders of the extreme Catholic faction and who were ambitious to rule France (Their niece, Mary Queen of Scots, was a prisoner of Queen Elizabeth). France was about to explode. The St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre (August 24, 1572) was still three months in the future. She wrote to the French ambassador in Rome, M. de Ferals on May 12, 1572 (Lettres, III, 100):
Monsieur de Ferrailz, vous entendrez de mon cousin Monsieur le cardinal de Ferrare, ou de mon cousin le cardinal d'Este l'intention du Roy monsieur mon filz qu'il vous a faict assez particulièrement entendre, et partant vous vous conduirez conformément à ce qu'ilz vous diront, favorisant en l'occasion qui se présente mon cousin le cardinal de Ferrare en tout ce qu'il vous sera possible, et je prierey Dieu, Monsieur de Ferrailz, vous tenir en sa garde.
Charles IX added a note on the 19th of May, to the effect that if the Cardinal of Ferrara could not be elected, the French should support Cardinal Farnese. Both memoranda were too late; a new pope was elected on May 14.
King Philip II's war in the Spanish Netherlands was not going well. The Protestants had assistance from England's Queen Elizabeth and from French Huguenots. Armies of Huguenots were even raised, against the most urgent wishes of Queen Catherine, to invade the Netherlands. The king's general, the Duke of Alva, was detested for his brutality by nearly everyone. He and King Philip professed to be so concerned about the ascendency of the protestants in France that they were willing to invade France to rescue the monarchy from its enemies, and they were cooperating the Guise faction to control the French government. He wanted a pope who was truly catholic, who would cease efforts to conciliate the Protestants, who would enforce orthodoxy, and who would unite the Catholic powers to suppress the heretic threats, by which he meant Elizabeth I, the protestants in the Netherlands, and the Huguenots in France. King Philip's Ambassador at the Conclave, Don Sancio de Padilla, had instructions to cooperate with Cosimo, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who was furthering both their interests.
Cosimo I, Grand Duke of Tuscany (portrait at left), had had considerable influence upon the Conclaves of 1559 and especially 1565. His services to Pope Pius V, in particular, had brought him the promotion to Grand Duke. He was the organizing force of both the French and the Italian groups, his French royal cousins among them, who opposed the plans of the Spanish and Austrians—but in the service of his own plans . Already in 1568, he was advising his friend the pope to keep an eye on Cardinals Ferrara, Farnese and Morone, whom he accused of conspiring together to get support from, among others Cardinal Vitelli, for a future conclave (Petruccelli, 214). He was also advising Charles IX to be careful of D'Este and Farnese [Petruccelli, 214, letter of April 20, 1572], and he even wrote to Catherine de Medicis, warning her that the two Cardinals were making overtures to the Spanish [Petruccelli, 214, letter of April 23, 1572]. Cosimo had already received assurances of support from Cardinals Corregio, Della Corgna, Pellevé, Simoncelli, and Sirleto. On the 9th of May he wrote to Alessandrino (Cardinal Bonelli, nephew of Pius V, and leader of Pius' creature) to think of making a good pope, leaving his personal and family affairs in Cosimo's hands [Petruccelli, 215]. Cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici wrote to his brother Cosimo (April 9) that Cardinal Ciocchi del Monte, who was in hard circumstances, approached him for 500 ducats. Cosimo advised Ferdinando to give it to him. Ferdinando was able to tell the Duke that he had the support of Cardinals Altemps, Como (Gallio), Cesi, and Simoncelli. Cosimo was also playing a game of confusion with King Philip II; on April 28, he wrote to the king that it did not matter to him so much who was made pope, as that he would be friendly to the King [Petruccelli, 222].
On April 28th [Petruccelli, 216-218] Cosimo's younger brother, Francesco, Duke of Florence, wrote to his brother, the Cardinal de' Medici [portrait at right], that France, which was publicly for Cardinal d' Este, was in fact at the disposal of the Medici, appearances being sustained by a complicated series of misdirections with the collusion of the French Ambassador. He advises Ferdinando to go to Cardinal Boncompagni in complete secrecy and inform him that the Medici intend to make him pope at all costs, and that he should work too, for his part, to that end. In order to keep Farnese off guard, the Cardinal was to speak about Aldobrandino, Montepulciano (Della Corgna), Perugia (Ricci, whom Farnese hated), Crivelli and Commendone, while assuring Borromeo and Altemps secretly that the Medici were seriously interested only in Sirleto and Boncompagni.
The matter of voting rights of cardinals in Conclave had come before Pius V, in a Consistory held on January 10, 1571 [Joseph Korzeniowski, Analecta Romana quae historiam Poloniae saec.XVI illustrant (Cracow 1894), p. 64]. He issued a decree to the effect that, once a cardinal was created, he had a vote in a papal election, whether or not his mouth had been opened and/or closed:
Smus. fecit decretum econsistoriale, quod scripsit pro vicecancellario Ursinus et mandavit adnotari a ceremoniarum magistro etiam: quod cardinales creati, etiam quibus os esset clausum, habeant vocem et suffragium in electione Rom. Pontificis, et omnibus placuit et ab omnibus est laudatum.
Since the Conclave of 1565-1566, Twenty-two cardinals had died: Francesco Pisani, Crispo, Saraceni, Cicala, Suau, Capizucchi, Ghislieri (Pius V), D' Olera, Simonetta, Salviati, Pier Francesco Ferrero, Niccolini, Luigi Pisani, Crassi, Gonzaga, Castiglioni, Vitelli, Mendoza, Scotti, Strozzi, Babou de la Bourdaisière, and Amulio [cf. Petramellari, 143]. Pope Pius V created twenty-one cardinals, of whom three died (Zuniga, Carlo Grassi, and Souchier) [Alberi, 168]. There were therefore sixty-six cardinals at the time of the Conclave of 1572 [Petramellari, 182-185], with fifty-two cardinals attending the Conclave (Alberi lists Truchess as present, rather than absent).
The Conclave began on May 12 (Novaes VIII, 7), and proved to be a three-day affair. Fifty-two cardinals participated (Novaes, 7; Moroni 32, 296).
The creature of Pius IV were led, as in the Conclave of 1565-1566, by Cardinal Carlo Borromeo, though he arrived at the very last minute before the Conclave was sealed. He did not, therefore, have the opportunity to engage in consultations beforehand. The cardinals who were creature of Pius IV and Pius V were nevertheless more or less united in opposing the election of Cardinals D'Este (Ferrara), Farnese, Pisa (Ricci), and Burali d' Arezzo (Piacenza). Burali's family had long connections with Naples and the Spanish faction [Petruccelli, 223].
The leader of the French faction of cardinals was, as usual, the Cardinal of Ferrara, Ippolito d' Este [Petruccelli, 210]. But Cardinal D'Este was disliked or even hated by Farnese, Bonelli, Medici, Borromeo and Morone [Petruccelli, 210].
Cardinal Michele Bonelli ("Alessandrino"), nephew of Pius V (joint portrait, at left), could command twelve or thirteen of the votes of his uncle's creature, and he had available to him around eight votes which were organized behind Cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici, thanks to the elaborate and deceptive preparation work of the brothers Medici.
Cardinal Alessandro Farnese was a soggetto papabile, as he had been in the Conclave of 1565-1566. But some of his supporters, Cardinals Altemps, Sforza, Orsini, Cesi and Como (Galli), were aware that he would be excluded from the Papal Throne on orders of Cardinal Granvelle (who also arrived in Rome at the last possible moment), speaking in the name of Philip II, the King of Spain. The stated reason was Farnese's youth and the existence of so many worthy older soggetti—which was absurd—and that the greater part of the Italian rulers was opposed to him (Wahrmund, 268, Arco to Maximilian II, May 17). Farnese had been a cardinal for twenty-seven years and had helped his grandfather, Paul III, and his successors govern the Church as Vice-Chancellor since 1535. The real objection against Farnese was that he was hostile to Spanish interests. But the opposition of the Spanish Court caused Farnese's friends to abandon their hopes of making him Pope. This was not technically an exclusiva.
Cardinal Morone was also a soggetto papabile. The "Conclavist" says (Conclavi, 335-336) that his friends attempted to elect him by acclamation on the opening day, quite contrary to custom, after the Mass of the Holy Ghost, while the Cardinals were milling about the entrance to the Conclave area, even before they had been shown to their cells. The effort failed.
At the last moment, Duke Cosimo's agent, Concini, arrived. It was his duty to do what Cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici could not do, and what a Grand Duke should not do. By additional manipulations of every sort, he was able to unite the creature of Pius IV and the creature of Pius V toward the exclusion of Ferrara (D' Este), Farnese, Pisa (Ricci), and Piacenza (Burali d' Arezzo) —or so he reported to Cosimo on May 13. Cardinal Alessandrino (Bonelli) was prepared to exclude Morone and Trani. [Petruccelli, 223] He represented Cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici to Cardinal Granvelle as loyal to Cosimo and King Philip.
In a coup de theatre, on the night of the enclosing of the Conclave, May 12, Cardinal Granvelle, who had just that moment arrived at the Conclave from Naples, produced a letter which had reached him as he was en route, a letter directly from King Philip, with both the seal of Spain and of King Philip personally on it. Divining its probable contents, Granvelle opened it in the presence of Cardinal Farnese and shared with him its message. The letter instructed Granvelle to acquaint Farnese with King Philip's wish that he not attempt to become pope "this time." That ended Farnese's candidacy. [Petruccelli, 225-227]
Boncompagni was the obvious candidate. He was acceptable to Cardinal Borromeo and the reformers. He was a successful Nuncio in Spain, and was acceptable to the Spanish faction, which included Naples.
Ugo Buoncompagni (aged 70), Cardinal Priest of S. Sisto, was elected on May 14. He was crowned Pope Gregory XIII on May 20, 1572, the Feast of Pentecost, by Cardinal Girolamo Simoncelli (Petramellari, 182). He took possession of the Lateran Basilica, his cathedral church, on May 27.
"Notizie sul conclave in cui fu eletto pp. Gregorio XIII, con i nomi dei cardinali che v' intervennero," Codex Vaticanus Ottobonianus 3189, c. 384 [non vidi]
For details of the conclave of 1572, see Casimiro Tempesti, Storia della vita e geste di Sisto Quinto Tomo primo (Roma: Remondini di Venezia 1754). [Gregorio Leti], Conclavi de' pontefici romani Nuova edizione, riveduta, corretta, ed ampliata Volume I (Colonia: Lorenzo Martini, 1691), 335-344. Giuseppe de Novaes, Elementi della storia de' sommi pontefici da San Pietro sino al ... Pio Papa VII third edition, Volume 8 (Roma 1822) 1-8. G. Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica Vol. 51 (Venezia 1851) 131; Vol. 53 (Venezia 1851) p. 84-85. Alexis François Artaud de Montor, Histoire de pontifes IV (Paris 1851), pp. 184-185. F. Petruccelli della Gattina, Histoire diplomatique des conclaves Volume II (Paris: 1864), 208-235. George Duruy, Le Cardinal Carlo Carafa (1519-1561): Étude sur le Pontificat de Paul IV (Paris 1882) 308-314. Ugo Pesci, "La politica Mediceo rispetto ai conclavi," Rivista europea 6 (Firenze 1878) 26-46. Ludwig Wahrmund, Das Ausschliessungs-recht (jus exclusivae) der katholischen Staaten Österreich, Frankreich und Spanien bei den Papstwahlen (Wien: Holder 1888), 93-96. J. B. Sägmüller Die Papstwahlbullen und das staatliche Recht der Exklusive (Tübingen 1892), pp. 43-84. Paul Herre, Papsttum und Papstwahl im Zeitalter Philipps II. (Leipzig: Teubner 1907) 192-241.
Giampietro Maffei, Degli Annali di Gregorio XIII, Pontefice Massimo Tomo primo (ed. Carlo Cocquelines) (Roma: Girolamo Mainardi 1742).
Giovanii Antonio Petramellari, Ad librum Onuphrii Panvinii de summis pontif. et S. R. E. Cardinalibusa Paulo IV ad Clementis Octavi Annum Pontificatus Octavum Continuatio (Bononiae: Apud heredes Ioannis Rosij, MDIC). Lorenzo Cardella, Memorie storiche de' cardinali della Santa Romana Chiesa Tomo Quarto (Roma 1793). Eugenio Alberi (editor), Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al senato Volume X (Serie ii, Tomo IV) (Firenze 1857).
Francesco Cancellieri, Notizie istoriche delle stagioni e de' siti in cui sono stati tenuti i conclavi nella città di Roma... (Roma 1823). Gaetano Marini, Degli Archiatri pontificii II (Roman 1784).
Frédéric Sclopis, Le cardinal Jean Morone (Paris 1869). G. Moroni, Dizionario Volune 46 (Venezia 1847) 299-302. Carlo Gioda, Girolamo Morone e i suoi tempi (Torino-Roma-Milano-Firenze: Paravia 1887). Leopold Witte (tr. J. Betts), A Glance at the Italian Inquisition. A Sketch of Pietro Carnesecchi (London 1885), 54-55, 67, 69 [Carnesecchi had entered Morone's service in 1527]. Cesare Cantù, "Il Cardinale Giovanni Morone," Illustri Italiani Volume II (Milano: Brigola 1873), 393-465 [containing both Morone's defense against the charges of heresy (421-439), and Paul's bull which refused to accept the findings of his own Commission, which had exonerated Morone (440-442)].
Augustinus Brunus, "Vita Gabrielis Palaeoti S. R. E. Cardinalis, Episcopi Sabinensis, archiepiscopi Bononiensis," E. Martène-U. Durand, Veterorum scriptorum et monumentorum...amplissima collectio Tomus VI (Paris 1729), 1385-1438. Paolo Prodi, Il cardinale Gabriele Paleotti (1522-1597) 2 volumes (Roma: edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1959, 1967).
Domenico Morini (editor), Della solenne incornazione del Duca Cosimo Medici in Gran-Duca di Toscana, fatta dal Som. Pont. S. Pio V., raggvaglio di Cornelio Firmano, Cerimoniere pontificio (Firenze: Magheri 1819).
P.O. v. Torne, Ptolémée Gallio, Cardinal de Côme (Paris 1907), 107-134.
Paolo Prodi, Il Cardinale Gabriele Paleotti (1522-1597) Volume II (Roma: Edizioni di storia e letterature 1959).
Epistolario del beato Paolo Burali: cardinale teatino, vescovo di Piacenza, arcivescovo di Napoli (1511-1578) (Brescia: Centro bresciano di iniziative culturali, 1977). Piacenza e il B. Paolo Burali: atti del convegno di studio in occasione del IV centenario dalla morte (Deputazione di storia patria per le province parmensi, 1979) [Archivio storico per le province parmensi 4th series, Vol. 30, t. 2] Franco Molinari, Il Card. Teatino Beato Paolo Burali e la riforma tridentina a Piacenza (1568-1578) (Rome: Gregorian University 1957) [Analecta Gregoriana 87]. Andrea Avellino, Brevi cenni sulla vita del Beato Paolo Burali, d' Arezzo (Napoli; Gennaro Paci, 1876). D. M. Zigarelli, Biografie dei vescovi e arcivescovi della chiesa di Napoli con una descrizione del clero, della cattedrale, della basilica di s. Restituta e della cappella del tesoro di s. Gennaro (Napoli: G. Gioja, 1861) [Burali's biography is borrowed from Pietro Farulli, Annali, overo Notizie istoriche...di Arezzo in Toscana (Foligno: Nicolo Campitelli 1717), pp. 202-204]. G. B. Maffi, Vita del Beato Paolo d' Arezzo (Piacenza 1833). G. B. Bonaglia, Vlta del Beato Paolo Burali d' Arezzo, Chierico Regolare, Cardinale di S. Pudenziana (Napoli 1772). Relazione della Beatificazione di Paolo Burelli (Roma: Cracas 1772). C. B. Bagatta, Vita del Vescovo Paolo Burali d' Arezzo (Verona 1698). Giovanni Antonio Cagiano, Vita di Paolo Burali d'Arezzo,... cardinale del titolo di S. Pudentiana (Napoli: S. Roncagliolo, 1649).
Giulio Santorio, "Autobiografia di mons. Giulio Antonio Santorio, cardinale di S. Severina", in: Archivio della reale Società Romana di Storia Patria, Rome, XII-XIII (1889-90), 327-372.
Lettres de Catherine de Médicis (edited by Hector de la Ferrière) Tome quatrième, 1570-1574 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale 1891).
© August 3, 2009 John Paul Adams
© 2009 John Paul Adams, CSUN