Nicholas III (Orsini) had spent his entire reign attempting to limit and diminish the influence of the French on Italy and the Papacy, and attempting to avert a confrontation between the Emperor Rudolf and King Charles. He was even able to persuade King Charles I of Naples and Sicily to give up his position as Roman Senator in 1278, at the conclusion of ten years of tenure [Olivieri, Il senato romano I, p. 198-199], as well as the position of Papal Vicar for Tuscany (Chronicon p. 370):
De mense vero Augusti Dominus Rex Karolus volens observare pacta et conventiones qu(a)e sunt inter Ecclesiam Romanam et ipsum dominum regem facta per dominum papam Urbanum felicis memoria, in manibus domini Nicholay tercii Roman(a)e Ecclesi(a)e summi pontificis repudiavit et senatoriam et dominatum urbis Rom(a)e et quicquid habet a ponte Zeperani citra. Qui dominus papa posuit pro se senatorem in urbe ad suam voluntatem unum suum parentem et unum vicarium pro Ecclesia in Tuscia, et die XXII septembris in manibus fratris Latini per suos procuratores in Viterbo praedicta repudiavit.
Nicholas had also added ten new cardinals on March 12, 1278, most of whom were not of the French party, and among whom were five members of religious orders. He died at Castro Soriano in the diocese of Viterbo on August 22, 1280 of an apoplectic stroke which had left him without speech [Bernardus Guidonis, "Vita Nicolai III" in RIC III. 1, p. 606, 607; Baronius-Theiner, sub anno 1281, no. 7 p. 480; Chronicon, 374; Demski, 347-348]:
Die jovis XXII mensis augusti dominus Nicholaus papa tercius in castro serariani [Castel Soriano] ab hac luce transmigravit. Vixit autem iste papa per duos annos et VIII menses et XXVIII dies.
The story was nonetheless circulated that he died of poisoning [Annales S. Rudiberti Salisburgensis, in MGH IX, 806: toxico ut dicitur interemptus]. His body was returned to Rome and buried in the Capella S. Nicolae in the Vatican Basilica, of which he had once been Archpriest and which he had done a great deal to restore, spending a vast amount of money (Bernardus Guidonis, "Vita Nicolai III" in RIC III. 1, p. 607; Novaes, III 272).
In anticipation of his death there were serious troubles in Rome between the Orsini and the Annibaldi. The people of Rome, who had had too much of the nepotism, arrogance and greed of the Orsini, chose the side of the Annibaldi and forced the Orsini into exile. And the news of Nicholas' death ignited central Italy (Chronicon, 374), especially the Romagna:
Audito in Romagna de morte domini pape incontinenti pars Gibilinorum de Faentia, Furlini, Furnipopuli, Cesene, Crevie et plurium aliarum civitatum de Romagna partes Guelforum de ipsis civitatibus expulserunt. Die Martis XXII mensis novembris Bononienses cum eorum amicis intraverunt in civitatem Faentie, multos de parte Gibilinorum occidendo et capiendo. De menso vero septembris pars Advocatorum de Vercellis de civitate expulsit partem Tizonorum, multos occidendo et capiendo. De mense vero decembris Gibilini de Senegalia expulserunt partem Guelforum de dicta civitate occidendo Palmerolum de Fano et multos alios....
.At the time of Pope Nicholas' death, there were thirteen cardinals. A list is given by Conrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica I, p. 10 note 3.
There were, therefore, thirteen electors present at the Conclave in Viterbo:
The Conclave met in Viterbo, in the Episcopal Palace [letter of Pope Honorius IV]. King Charles of Sicily-Anjou, who was already in Tuscany, was eager to be present and advance his own interests, which the Orsini pope had done so much to limit. An understanding had been reached between Charles and Riccardo Annibaldi, the leader of the Roman opposition to the Orsini. Riccardo prepared and led a coup, which resulted in the expulsion of Orso Orsini, the dead pope's nephew, from the office of Podestà of Viterbo, and the installation of Riccardo in his place. This placed the management of the papal election in the hands of the French party and those hostile to the Orsini. But nine cardinals were needed to elect a pope, while the three Orsini cardinals and as few as two of the seven surviving cardinals of Nicholas III (Orsini) — i cardinali Orsini e loro seguaci, in Giovanni VIllani's phrase— might well be able to block Charles of Anjou's wishes.
The famous Cronica of Giovanni Villani (Book VII chapter 58) provides some important details:
[Il Re Carlo] incontanente fu a Viterbo per procacciare d' avere papa che fosse sup amico, e trovò il collegio de'cardinali in grande dissensione e partiti; che l'una parte erano i cardinali Orsini e loro seguaci, e voleano papa a loro volontà; e tutti gli altri cardinali erano col re Carlo contrari; e durò la tira e vacazione più di cinque mesi. Essendo i cardinali rinchiusi e distretti per gli Viterbesi, alla fine non avendo concordia, i Viterbesi, a petizione, si disse, del re Carlo, trassono del collegio de' cardinali messere Matteo Rosso e messere Giordano cardinali degli Orsini, i quali erano capo della loro setta, e villanamente fuorono messi in prigione; per la quale cosa gli altri cardinali s' accordarono d' eleggere, e elessono papa messer Simone dal Torso di Francia cardinale, e fu chiamato papa Martino quarto; il quale di vile nazione, ma molto fu magnanimo e di grande cuore ne' fatti della Chiesa, ma per se proprio e per suoi parenti nulla cuvidigia ebbe; e quando il fratello il venne a vedere papa, incontanente il rimando in Francia con piccoli doni e colle spese, dicendo ch' e' beni erano della Chiesa e non suoi. Questi fu molto amico del re Carlo...
Though the Conclave was in force, it is again apparent that this did not impede the Cardinals from receiving information or sending instuctions. Two letters written by the Cardinals survive. One of these advises all of the lay officials in Church territories not to do anything to impede the journey of Clementia, daughter of the King of the Romans, who was on her way to marry Charles, the son of King Charles. The other advises the Duke, Count and Council of the Venetians, not to take advantage of the Sede Vacante and cause trouble by involving themselves in attempts to seize territory in Romagnola or the Marches of Ancona. [Martène, Veterum scriptorum II, 1278-1280]. The stalemate between the Orsini faction and the French faction continued for more than five months.
Then Riccardo Annibaldi and his followers, six of whom are named, intervened (Cardinal Giacomo Savelli, later Honorius IV, who was present, puts the blame on all the people of Viterbo). The date, according to Cardinal Simon de Brion's own recollection, was February 2, 1281, the Feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The mob attacked the Episcopal Palace, broke into the Conclave, and abducted two of the Orsini cardinals: Matteo Rosso Orsini, Giordano Orsini (the late pope's brother). Antoninus of Florence states in his history that Latino Frangipani Malabranca (Nicholas III's nephew), the senior Cardinal Bishop, was also abducted, but released shortly afterwards; but this seems to be in conradiction to Cardinal Savelli, who clearly states that two Orsini cardinals were seized. In fact, Cardinal Giordano Orsini was released after three days of incarceration, having agreed to some terms imposed upon him by his captors, according to Cardinal Simon de Brion, while Cardinal Matteo Rosso Orsini was held until the Election was concluded. This outrage brought upon the perpetrators, and all of Viterbo, excommunication and the Interdict. It was also a powerful message to the rest of the Sacred College to get on with the business of electing a pope, who had better be one of the Anjou faction. Nonetheless, it took more than two weeks after the return of Giordano Orsini for the Cardinals to come to an agreement on a French candidate. The Sede Vacante lasted six months and six days.
The Chronicon de rebus in Italia gestis (p. 374) notes:
Die sabbati XXII mensis februarii in civitate Viterbii cardinales in concordia ellegerunt in summum pontificem dominum Symonem de Turso cardinalem francigenam et vocatum est nomen ejus Martinus quartus. cessavit autem appostolatus per VI menses.
Simon de Brion himself, electus episcopus servus servorum Dei, wrote immediately to his friend King Philip of France, although (as he admits in the letter) it was contrary to papal etiquette to send letters, especially to monarchs, before one's coronation. But Philip III was a personal friend of long standing, since Simon had been Chancellor of Louis IX and longtime Legate in France [Martène-Durand, Veterum scriptorum II, 1282; Potthast 21736]:
exigit a nobis, ut quo ad te, filium praedilectum apud nos dilectionis praerogitavi gaudentem, hujusmodi observantia non servata, nec praedictis solemnibus expectatis, nostrae promotionis singularis nuntatio praeveniret, nostri spiritus humilitate denuntians, nos tunc tituli S. Ceciliae presbyterum cardinalem in festo cathedrae spostolorum principis, concordi fratrum nostrorum electione, promotum in sui pontificis successorem.
On Saturday, February 22, 1281, the Feast of St. Peter's Chair, Cardinal Simon de Brion was elected pope. He took the name Martin IV. In his announcement of his election, Incomprehensibilia Dei iudicia, he protests that he was most unwilling to assume the papal office until compelled by the requests of the cardinals, but that is conventional rhetorical decoration, not history [Bullarium Romanum Turin edition 4 (1859), p. 48].
Almost immediately—as he related later in a letter addressed to King Charles of Sicily—Pope Martin sent two cardinals, Latino Orsini and Goffredo da Alatri, to Rome, in an attempt to come to a peaceful understanding with his subjects. He proposed Quadragesima as the time for his consecration, in a letter [Martène-Durand, Veterum scriptorum II, 1281; Potthast 21738] addressed to the Romans that accompanied the two Cardinals [Baronius-Theiner 22, pp. 483-484 no. 5; Martène-Durand, Veterum scriptorum II, 1285; Potthast 21737]:
Hinc ut saluti tam spiritualium filiorum provisio paterna succurreret, damnis occurreret, et tantae ipsius nostrae devotionis instantiae desiderata satisfactio proveniret, nostrae consecrationis solemnia, non sine multorum persuasione contraria, non absque negotiorum nobis imminentium ad retardatae ipsorum expeditionis accelerationem instantium impedimento distulimus, ad Urbem eamdem venerabili fratri L. Ostiensi episcopo et dilecto filio G(offredo da Alatri) S. Georgii ad Velum aureum diacono cardinali, velut pacis angelis destinatis, ut inibi statum reformando pacificum, sopirent odia, concordarent corda discordia, et in unitate caritatis unirent, nobisque ad eundi Urbem eamdem ad prosequenda praesertim eadem solemnia, opportunitatem curiae nostrae, eamque sequentibus necessaria praepararent. Quibus diligenter sollicitudini eis comissae vacantibus, licet in illius executione ipsis non solum principalium partium aperta discordia, verun etiam dissensiones particulares, quae inimico homine superseminante zizania quotidie multiplicabantur obstiterent, tandem faciente, ut credulitas devota supponit, pacis actore, illa sola via remedii ad obtinendum ipsius Urbis tranquillitatem, quam per hoc spec verisimilis promittebat, et eventus exsolvit huc usque praeter intentionem mittentis occurrit, ut vobis regimen Urbis committeretur ejusdem.
but the Romans refused him permission to come to Rome to be crowned at the Vatican Basilica. On Monday, March 10, 1281, however, the two senators of Rome, Gentile di Bertoldo de' Figli d'Orso and Pietro del Conte, held a general assembly on the Capitol, at which they elected Martin IV in his personal capacity (non ratione Papatus vel Pontificalis dignitatis, sed ratione suae personae) to the regimen senatus Urbis, that is they named him Senator of Rome, and they authorized him to elect anyone he pleased as Senator in his place [Baronius-Theiner 22, sub anno 1281, no. 15, p. 487; Olivieri, Il senato romano, p. 201].
Pope Martin, however, turned over the rule of the city to King Charles, as Senator of Rome, Rector of the Campagna, of the Duchy of Spoleto, and of the Patrimony of S. Peter [Muratori, RIS III. 1, p. 609; Potthast 21744]. Martin himself positively refused to be crowned in Viterbo [Bernardus Guidonis, "Vita Nicolai III" in RIC III. 1, p. 606, 608], and therefore was crowned instead in the Cathedral of S. Pietro in Orvieto, on Sunday, March 23, 1281. He was consecrated Bishop of Rome by his Orsini cousin, Cardinal Latinus Malabranca, Bishop of Ostia.
On Holy Saturday, April 12, 1281, he created new cardinals, including four Frenchmen, severely diluting thereby the influence of the Roman element, and specifically the Orsini element in the Sacred College; it may also be noted that there were no regular clergy among the appointees [Bernardus Guidonis, "Vita Nicolai III" in RIC III. 1, p. 608 and a ms. from the Ambrosian Library, p. 609; Eubel. p. 10; cf. Potthast II, p. 1768, for other dates. Baronius-Theiner 22, sub anno 1281, no. 11, p. 485:
and promoted one cardinal to the rank of Suburbicarian Bishop:
Martin IV remained at Orvieto from the day of his election until June 24, 1282. The Sicilian Vespers had begun on March 31, 1282, and there was great disorder in southern Italy [Ricordi e documenti del Vespro Siciliano (Palermo: "Lo Statuto" 1892; Muratori, Annali d'Italia sub anno 1282, Vol. 19, pp. 41 ff. (ed. Firenze 1827)]. At the same time, the Orsini raised an army of Romans and headed for Palestrina, intending to do battle with Annibale Annibaldi; they were being helped by the Vicar of Rome. The Roman army also attacked Corneto in June, causing the Pope to move to Montefiascone, but they paid no attention to him, and devastated the territory anyway. The people of Perugia also paid no attention to the Pope's commands and attacked the surrounding territory [Continuator of Martinus Polonus: MGH SS XXII, 478]. The Pope remained in Montefiascone until mid-December, when he returned to Orvieto. On June 27, 1284, Martin IV left Orvieto because of the hostility of Raynerius, the Captain of the People. On October 4, 1284, he arrived in Perugia, where he died on March 28, 1285. He never saw Rome and never sat on his own episcopal throne.
Chronicon Placentinum et Chronicon de rebus in Italia gestis (edited by J.L.A. Huillard-Bréholles (Paris: Plon 1856). Giovanni Villani, Cronica VII. 54-58. A. Bertani, Monumenta historica ad provincias Parmensem et Placentinam pertinentia. Chronica Fr. Salimbene Parmensis, Ordinis Minorum (Parmae: Petrus Fiaccadori 1857) S. Antoninus of Florence ( † 1459 ) Tertii Pars Historialis, seu Cronice (Basel: Nicolaus Kesler, 1502).
Edmundus Martène & Ursinus Durand, Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum amplissima collectio Tomus II (Parisiis: apud Franciscum Montalant, 1724).
Francesco Cristofori, Il conclave del MCCLXX in Viterbo (Roma-Siena-Viterbo 1888).
Augustinus Theiner (Editor), Caesaris S. R. E. Cardinalis Baronii, Od. Raynaldi et Jac. Laderchii Annales Ecclesiastici Tomus Vigesimus Secundus 1257-1285 (Barri-Ducis: Ludovicus Guerin 1870) [Baronius-Theiner] (letter of Honorius IV)
Lorenzo Cardella, Memorie storiche de' cardinali della Santa Romana Chiesa Tomo primo Parte secondo (Roma: Pagliarini 1792) 303-305. Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Annali d' Italia Volume 19 (Firenze 1827), 30-31. Giuseppe de Novaes, Elementi per la storia de' Sommi Pontefici terza edizione Volume III (Roma 1821) 266-273; Volume IV (Roma 1821) 3-9. G. Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica Volume 48 (Venezia 1848) 9. Paul Durrieu, Étude sur les registres angevines du Roi Charles Ier Tome second (Paris 1888), 179-180. Augustin Demski, Papst Nikolaus III, Eine Monographie (Münster 1903). F. Gregorovius, History of Rome in the Middle Ages, Volume V.2 second edition, revised (London: George Bell, 1906) 491-495. M. Backes, Kardinal Simon de Brion (Breslau 1910).
Actenstücke: A. Fanta, F. Kaltenbrunner, E.v. Ottenthal (editors), Actenstücke zur Geschichte des Deutschen Reiches unter den Königen Rudolf I. und Albrecht I. (Wien 1889). Johann Peter Kirsch, Die FInanzverwaltung des Kardinalkollegiums im XIII. und XIV. Jahrhundert (Münster 1895).
S. Sägmüller, Die Thätigkeit und Stellung der Kardinäle bis Papst Bonifaz VIII., historisch und canonistisch untersucht und dargestellt (Freiburg i. B. 1896) [reviewed by Wenck in Theologische Litteraturzeitung 23 (Leipzig 1891), 113-116]. S. Sägmüller, "Zur Thätigkeit und Stellung der Kardinäle bis Papst Bonifaz VIII," Theologische Quartalschrift 80 (Ravensburg 1898) 596-614 [reviewed by Wenck in Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen 162. 1 (Berlin 1900) 139-175]. S. Sägmüller, "Die oligarchischen Tendenzen des Kardinalkollegs bis Bonifaz VIII," Theologische Quartalschrift (Ravensburg 1901) 45-93.
C. Eubel, "Der Registerband des Cardinalgrossponitentiars Bentevenga," Archiv fur katholischen Kirchenrecht 64 (1890), 3-69.
On the Annibaldi: Fedele Savio, SJ, "Gli Annibaldi di Roma nel secolo XIII," Studi e documenti di storia e diritto 17 (1896) 353-363. M. Dikmans, "D' Innocent III à Boniface VIII. Histoire des Conti et des Annibaldi," Bulletin de l' Institut historique belge de Rome 45 (1975) 19-211.
On Bernard Ayglier, OSB, abbot of Montecassino, see: Luigi Tosti, OSB, Storia della Badia di Monte-cassino Tomo III (Napoli 1843) 6-32; 65-89 On Ayglerio, Bernard's brother, also a Benedictine of Montecassino, the Archbishop of Naples (1267-November 6, 1281), see: F. M. Zigarelli, Biografie dei Vescovi e Arcivescovi della Chiesa di Napoli (Napoli: G. Gioja 1861) 60-63.
On the Orsini, and the Basilica Vaticana: Albert Huyskens, "Das Kapitel von St. Peter in Rom unter dem Einflusse der Orsini (1276-1342)," Historisches Jahrbuch 27 (1906) 266-290.
©John Paul Adams, CSUN