Pope Clement IV (Guy Foulques), because of the hostile conditions in the city of Rome, resided first in Perugia and then in Viterbo in Tuscany. His finances had been in a perilous state for years. In Epistle 116 (August 1, 1265) he writes to King Charles of Anjou (Gieseler, 122 n. 2; Epistula 52 Thumser p. 35):
Thesaurus apud nos nullus latet, nec nos eum multiplicare proponimus illis modis, quibus multi homines vellent. Vide partes orbis concussas, et scire poteris causas inopiae. Anglia adversatur, Almannia vix oboedit, Francia gemit et queritur, Hispania sibi non sufficit, Italia non subvenit, sed emungit: et unde potest Romanus Pontifex, si Deum timet vel reveretur homines, sibi vel aliis in militia vel pecunia subvenire?
Clement also confessed to King Charles in a letter of September 22, 1266 [Epistles 260 (ed. Thumser); Martene-Durand Thesaurus novus anecdotorum II (Paris 1717), no. 380, p. 407] that he was also constrained by the views of his cardinals (habitis fratrum nostrorum consiliis), whose prudence he defers to in preference to his own opinions:
Crede, fili carissime, jam nobis saepe contingit in hac sede, cui licet immeriti praesidemus, ut habitis fratrum nostrorum consiliis, quamquam contrarium crederemus utilius eorum tamen sententias sequebamur, ubi tale erat negotium, quod sine peccato fieri poterat vel omitti; et movebat nos ista ratio, quia temerarium censebamus tot prudentium judicio sententiam nostri capitis anteferre.
In order to improve his financial situation, his legate in France, Cardinal Simon de Brie (Brion) was actively working to collect the 10% levy owed to the pope by the clergy in France as well as a subsidy for a contemplated crusade in the Holy Land (Epistulae 55, 69, 99, 101, 112,114, 115, 168, 176, 208, 248, etc. Thumser). Clement died in Viterbo on November 29, 1268. At his request he was buried in the Dominican church, S. Maria di Gradi, though his body was transferred, during the Sede Vacante, to the Cathedral of S. Lorenzo [Pinzi Storia di Viterbo II, pp. 243-249]. The vacancy in the Holy See lasted two years, nine months and two days. After the Election had taken place, on November 23, 1271, the Cardinals ordered an inquiry into the removal of the Pope's body, and placed Cardinal Guillaume de Bray of S. Marco and Cardinal Uberto of S. Eustachio in charge.
The Hohenstaufen dynasty of German emperors had finally come to an end: Frederick Augustus died in 1250; his son Conrad IV in 1254, and his bastard Manfred in 1266. In the Fall of 1267 the supporters of Conradin, Frederick's grandson, raised a revolt in Sicily while Conradin marched south; he entered Rome on July 24, 1268, but in August he was forced to flee by King Charles. Conradin was captured at Genoa and executed in Naples on October 29, 1268, a month before the death of Pope Clement. This should have given the popes the chance to begin rebuilding a Guelf party in northern Italy.
But they also had to contend with the ambitions of Louis IX's brother, Charles of Anjou, who entered Rome on May 23, 1265, where he was made Senator and was proclaimed king of Sicily. Pope Clement wrote to King Charles (Epistulae, 121 [ed. M. Thumser]: December 20, 1265) that if he would come to the pope at Viterbo, Clement would crown him himself:
...Ecce nos, sicut sepe iam scripsimus, prompti sumus et fuimus committere alii hoc officium, ne ipsorum offensam incurras, et, licet decentius videretur, quod a nobis coronam reciperes comminus constitutus, non sic sumus honoris avidi, quin malimus tue necessitati consulere quam honorem nobis in hoc negotio cum tuo vel tuorum periculo reservare. Illud ergo pro certo teneas, quod, quicquid tuis instillent auribus, qui sunt tecum, quicquid tibi suggerant, qui nobis-cum, fixa est apud nos ista sententia, quod hoc tempore cum multorum publico preiudicio curiam non turbabimus, nec peccare nos credimus, si ad tempus preferimus orbem Urbi, quamvis eam pre ceteris orbis partibus caritatis sincere brachiis amplectamur. Si ergo veneris, tuus erit nobis et nostris fratribus gratus nimis et iucundus adventus, et tuo capiti coronam regiam imponemus. Quod si tuum adventum impediat vel necessitas vel voluntas, mittere tibi proponimus unum ex episcopis cardinalibus, duos presbyteros et vel unum vel duos diaconos cardinales, et tu alium tecum habes, ut sic celeriter et celebriter coronatio tua fiat. Et, si tibi defuerit impositio manus nostre, cordis appositio numquam deerit Domino concedente, quod applicabimus ex affectu ad ea, que tui respicient commodi vel honoris augmentum....
Charles was crowned, however, in Rome on January 6, 1266. Pope Clement IV, who was unwelcome in his own city, had appointed five cardinals to carry out the coronation ceremony in St. Peter's Basilica: Riccardo Annibaldi, Raoul de Grosparmy, Ancher Pantaleoni, Matteo Orsini, and Goffredo da Alatri (Tomassetti, Bullarium Romanum Turin edition III, pp. 748-763; cf. Clement IV, Epistulae, 135 [ed. M.Thumser]; cf. Sternfeld, 65). According to the terms of the Investiture, Charles was to pay Clement 50,000 ounces of gold, but Charles was in even greater need of money than the Pope.
In 1269, Charles I made considerable efforts to consolidate the Guelf party in Lombardy in the absence of a pope [Saba Malaspina V. 5-8, Muratori, RIS VIII, cols. 863-865]. A parliament was held at Cremona, which won the cooperation of Piacenza, Cremona, Parma, Modena, Ferrara, and Reggio. However, the Imperialist party was also reorganizing, with allegiance from Milan, Como, Vercelli, Novara, Alessandrina, Tortona, Torino, Pavese, Bergamo, Bologna, and the Marchese of Montferrat. The cities of Milan, Piacenza and others, however, soon went over to Charles (Muratori, 322-325, from the Chronicle of Piacenza). .Pisa and Lucca made peace and joined Charles' side in 1270 (Muratori, 329). Charles and his Angevins made friends, but also many lasting enemies, as the Sicilian Vespers of 1282 testify. There was also the problem of reclaiming the Papal States from civil war, and Rome from the hands of the Roman nobility. The electors in the conclave, therefore, were deeply divided with respect to their loyalties and their expectations for the next reign.
Eodem tempore maxima discordia erat inter cardinales Romae qui erant XVII. Undecim ex ipsis videlicet dominus Richardus de Annibaldis, dominus Octavianus, dominus Ubertus de Coconaria et alii fovebant partem Imperii, alii scilicet dominus Ioannes de Gaytanis, dominus Octobonus de Fisco et alii fovebant partem Karoli et erant in Viterbio ita discordes: una pars volebat pastorem de ultramontanis partibus, scilicet illa Karuli, alia volebat pastorem Ytalicum et imperatorem ut unus in spiritualibus et alius in temporalibus mundum, sicut just postulat, gubernaret. (Annales Placentini Ghibellini, MGH SS XVIII, 533).
The Podestà of Viterbo, from March 1, 1270, was Alberto da Montebuono Aretino [Arezzo] [Pinzi II, p. 268]. Raniero (Rayniero, Renier, René) Gatto, thrice Captain General of the Province of the Patrimony of St. Peter, was again the Captain of the People of Viterbo [died in 1270, between August 22 and September 25: Pinzi II, p. 279 n. 1]. The Gatti were the leading family in Viterbo, having provided a bishop in the previous century, and regularly providing the Captain of the People down into the fifteenth century. The family figures prominently in the Cronaca di Viterbo of Niccolò della Tuccia. Both Alberto and Raniero were followers of King Charles. It was Raniero Gatto who built the Episcopal Palace at Viterbo, also called the Papal Palace, beginning in 1266 (Cristofori, 11). It was in this palace (below) that the longest conclave in papal history would take place.
There is no indication of when the Conclave of 1268-1271 began, or what the nature of the opening ceremonies were. On June 6, 1270, according to a notation in the Register of a Notary named Bassus [Pinzi II, p. 272 n. 2], the Chamberlain of the Apostolic See caused to be read in public in the Cathedral of Viterbo, a letter from the Cardinals, in which they instructed the Podestà and Commune of Viterbo not to molest the Cardinals in Conclave (ne molestarent et arctarent Cardinales in conclavi existentes). This was, in fact, the document that laid the penalty of excommunication on the public officials of Viterbo and the Interdict on the entire commune. In the same Register, under the date of January 8, 1270 [Pinzi II, p. 267 n. 2], the Podestà of VIterbo at the time, until March 1, Conradus de Abiano, the predecessor of Alberto de Montebuono, is excommunicated quia Cardinales arctavit in palatio. Much depends upon the exact meaning of arcto (arto), it is obviously the Cardinals' choice of words, as the later document indicates. Did he "confine" them, or "oppress" them, or "harass" them? The action was, in any case, sufficiently dramatic as to incur excommunication. If it is an effort at sequestration, then it is not to Raynerio Gatto that the credit should go for inventing the idea of a Conclave.
In the Spring of 1270, around Pentecost (June 1, 1270), under the influence of St. Bonaventura (or so the fable goes; cf. Cristofori, p. 351), Raynerio Gatto, the Captain of the People, locked the cardinals into the Episcopal Palace, next to the Cathedral. The Cardinals certainly protested the effort to circumscribe their actions. The details of the document indicate that the Cardinals were anxious to allow two of their number, Simon of S. Cecilia and Riccardo Annibaldi of S. Angelo, who were ill, to leave the area of their confinement and seek lodging in houses suitable for their ailments. It appears that there was also a problem with sanitary facilities in the Episcopal Palace—the complete absence thereof. The cardinals and their attendants had to leave the palace for such purposes, and their way was being impeded. It was demanded that a door be provided: intra terminum supradictum aperiant ostium, et viam liberam et expeditam dimittant ad eundem tam nobis quam familiaribus n(ost)ris ad requisita nature. To add insult to inconvenience, the Cardinals and their attendants were being subjected to verbal and physical harassment on their way to the Apostolic stools: quantum in eis fuit mortis exposuerunt periculis, et super presumptione vie [?] ad locum deputatum ad requisita nature et quam super aliis injuriis et contumeliis verbis, et factis, vel per varios arctationis modos pene importabiles, alias multipliciter irrogatis, n(ost)ris precise mandatis pareant, satisfactionem. For these and more general reasons, the Cardinals hurled a very extensive set of anathemata against the Podesta, Captain of the People, Officials, Council, and People of Viterbo, visiting upon them both the excommunication and the interdict. It nonetheless took an additional sixteen months to bring the conclave to an election (Cristofori, 13).
It must be stated that, although the Cardinals had been detained, they were not incommunicado. They continued to receive visitors and to engage in correspondence. During the first half of 1270, for example, King Louis sent two Franciscans to the Cardinals at Viterbo, Eustachio and Lamberto, as his nuntii. They explained that Louis had been in touch with Emperor Manuel Palaeologos both by letters and ambassadors (Martene, 214-217).
During the Conclave, on March 13, 1271 (Walter, 22), the citiy of Viterbo saw the murder of Henry of Cornwall, son of Richard of Cornwall and nephew of Henry III of England, by Guido de Montfort, son of Simon de Montfort, in an act of revenge:
Porro Rex Siciliae cum nepote suo rege Francorum .... Remeantes quoque per Campaniam, Cardinales, qui tunc in Viterbio morabantur, una cum Domino Henrico filio Regis Alemanniae, similiter remeante, decreverunt consultum esse et honestum si forte discordantes in electioni futuri Pontificis inducere possent ad electionem concorditer faciendam. Dum autem essent Viterbii, super praedictis mutuo tracturi, Cardinalium votis, iam paene concorditer adunatis, ut eorum adiuti consilio et assensu Romanae Sedis, multo tempore Pastoris solacio viduate, de idoneo praesule providerent; ecce protinus, instigante humani generis inimico Simon de' Monteforti, cum Guidone fratre suo, necnon Comite Rufo, cuius filiam duxerat in uxorem, non sine assensu credi poterit Aymerici fratris eorundem, quodam die satis mane, non modica loricatorum stipatio caterva subito ingredientes ecclesiam quandam civitatis eiusdem ubi Dominus Henricus (Regis) Romanorum primogenitus, eorum ex avunculo cognatus, peractis iam Missarum sollemniis, quas audierat orationi devotus incubebat, evaginatis gladiis inhumaniter irruerunt in ipsum, proditorem, ac potius interfectorum eum, licet mendaciter proclamantes, ut ipse nimirum tam tumultuoso clamore perterritus velociter ab oratione prosiliens cucurrit ad altare, super quod paulo ante Deo Patri Unigenitus Filius Redemptor mundi fuerat immolatus. Sed lictores crudelissimi consanguinitatis foedere violato, spreta loci sacri, ac temporis reverentia, adherentem altari mucronibus confodientes, inflictis vulneribus, letiferis inhumanissime peremerunt, vulnera vulneribus imprimentes, donec spiritum exhalaret. Facta quidem fuit haec inaudita sceleris perpetratio die Veneris, crastino S. Gregorii, videlicet tertio Idus Martii (in) civitati Viterber, in ecclesia Sci. Blasii; praesentibus tunc in eadem civita tota coetu Cardinalium; Rege Siciliae et nepote suo Philippo in Regem Francorum protinus promovendo.... (Thomas Wykes, Chronica, in MGH SS XXVII)
This took place in the Cathedral of S. Lorenzo in Viterbo (or the Church of S. Sylvester: Cristofori 59, or, as above, in the Church of S. Biagio), in the presence of the cardinals, of King Philip III of France, and of King Charles of Sicily. (Cristofori, 6-7, 56). Gregory X himself believed that it had taken place in a parish church, not in the Cathedral (Rymer Foedera II, p. 5). Some sources (among them Giovanni VIllani) give a date of 1270. Charles' itinerary, however, indicates that the date had to be 1271. From October 13, 1269, he was at either Capua or Naples steadily until he left for Palermo in July, 1270 and from there for Tunis. The sources that speak of "the future King Philip" at Viterbo, therefore, are wrong. The correct date is equally apparent from a letter which Charles sent immediately to Prince Edward, son of King Henry III of England, dated March 13, 1271 [Rymer Foedera I, p. 118].
The Chronicler is certainly right, whether by inference or by certain knowledge, that Charles and Philip had come to Viterbo to put pressure on the Cardinals to settle the matter of the papal succession. He is surely wrong, however, in thinking that the cardinals were on the point of reaching a conclusion, though he may well be right that the murder of Henry of Cornwall complicated matters rather than resolving them. Charles certainly wanted a resolution, by the production of a pope who would sanction his "crusade" against Constantinople rather than one against Jerusalem, and who would reject Manuel VIII's offers of church union. He was to be disappointed.
[Note: According to Paul Durrieu, Étude sur les registres angevines du Roi Charles Ier Tome second (Paris 1888). King Charles' itinerary (pp. 168-176) brought him to Viterbo: in 1268: April 4-30 (He was at Trani when the Pope died); in 1269: not at all; in 1270: not at all; in 1271 March 10, 12-17, 20-31, April 1; in 1272: not at all; he is attested at Rome from March 29 to June 4.]
At the time of Clement's death, there were twenty or twenty-one cardinals, though
When Clement died there were twenty-one living cardinals, of whom one, Bernard Ayglier, O.S.B., Clement IV's sole creation, remained entirely absent from the election. This absence, in the heated circumstances of such a long vacancy, caused some later historians to doubt that he had been created a cardinal at all, but modern scholarship has established that Clement IV did raise him to the College, although the date of the creation remains uncertain.
The evidence offered to demonstrate this point consists in a list of authors who simply repeat what each had found in his predecessors. The one actual modern scholar cited, Father Conrad Eubel, who, in his investigations in the Vatican Archives and elsewhere, was unable to find a single cardinal created by Pope Clement IV— who allegedly made Bernard a cardinal at some unattested consistory (whose date, despite what the author of the site says, is not 'uncertain'; it is 'unknown'.). It is apparent, then, that this is an argument ex auctoritate, and cannot stand. Should one insist nevertheless on citing authorities, it should be noted that, in addition to Eubel, Panvinio (Epitome, 170), Ciacconius (Chacon), Cardella (321-322), and Massarelli reject Bernard's cardinalate (Cristofori, 40); as does likewise Pinzi (Storia della città di Viterbo, p. 266 n. 1).
There were, therefore, nineteen electors present in Viterbo:
The Sedis Apostolicae Camerarius in succession to Cardinal Otho, Bishop of Tusculum, was Peter, who was elected Archbishop of Narbonne in 1272 [Pinzi II, p. 244 n.2, from a bull of Gregory X, dated July 31, 1274; see also p. 250, a report of two cardinals of a hearing on November 23, 1271, in which Petrus Apost. Sedis Camerarius et Notarius was present].
Of Cardinal Enrico de' Bartolommei, the celebrated canonist known as "(H)Ostiensis", it is said, "Being in the conclave after the death of Clemens IV., he became sick by mere ennui, and renounced his right of election; but having left the place, he became better (H. Rose, A New General Biographical Dictionary  274, on the authority of Ciacconio, Vitae Pontiff et Cardin. See Cartwright, 19). The date of his departure was June 8, 1270, according to a document in the Archives of Viterbo (Ceccaroni, 3; Cristofori, 21 n. 5), and it was with the permission of seventeen cardinals.
Nos miseratione divina ep(iscop)i, p(res)b(yte)ri, et diaconi Sacros(an)c(ta)e Roman(a)e eccl(es)i(a)e card(ina)les infirmitatem venerabilis fr(atr)is n(ost)ri H(enrici) Ostiensis et Velletren(sis) Ep(iscop)i, fraterno compatientes affectu, Vobis Alberto de Monte Bono Potestati, et Raynerio Gatto, quo pro Capitaneo Viterbiensium te geris, et Communi Viterbiensi tenore presentium, sub debito fidelitatis, quo nobis, et Ecclesi(a)e Roman(a)e tenemini, districte precipiendo mandamus quatenus cum idem Ep(iscop)us iuri et voci, sibi competentibus in electione Romani Pont(ificis), renunciaverit coram nobis, quantum ad presentem vacationem dumtaxat, volens ut, non obstante eius absentia; sine ipso hac vice libere procedamus ad providendum Roman(a)e Eccl(es)i(a)e, de Pastore ratam habiturus et gratam, electionem, seu provisionem, quam de Romano Pontifice, absque ipso et eius requisitione, duxerimus faciendam, ac instanter petierit vobis mandari ut de Palatio in quo sumus inclusi, ipsum permicteretis exiere eundem Ep(iscop)um de ipso palatio statim egredi libere permictatis, nec ipsum de cetero aliquatenus detineatis invitum. Datum Viterbii in Palatio discooperto Ep(iscop)atus Viterbien, IV id(ibus) Iun(iis) ann(o) D(omi)ni MCCLXX, Ap(osto)lica sede vacante.
The cardinals are apparently very unhappy about the possible ramifications of going forward with the electoral process without the presence of the Dean of the Sacred College, and so they exact from him a specific renunciation of his right to speak and vote, so that they can continue in his absence. But there is also a document from the Vatican Archives, in which the citizens of Viterbo, led by their Podestà and Captain, are required to swear to respect the Conclave and not molest the entourages or property of the cardinals. The document is dated August 22, 1270 (Cristofori, 343-344, from Felice Contelori (†1644), Felicis Contelorii Collectanea de Romanis Potificibus, et S. R. E. Cardinalibus Volume II, 53-56)
Anno D(omi)ni MCCLXX, XI Kalendas Septembris [August 22, 1270], indictione XIII, Sede Romana vacante.
Per p(raese)ns publicum instrumentum appareant universis quod R(everendissi)mus P(ate)r O(tho) E(pisco)pus Tusculanus S(anctae) R(omanae) E(cclesiae) Camerarius ex parte sua et totius collegii R(everendissi)morum P(atr)rum d(omi)norum Card(ina)lium, videlicet:
H(enrici) Ostien(sis), E(pisco)porum
S(imonis) S(an)c(t)i Martini
A(ncheri) S(an)c(ta)e Praxedis
G(uidi) Sci Laurentis in Lucina
G(uilelmi) Sci Marci
Simonis Sce. Cecilie et Annibaldi Basilice XII Ap(ostol)orum, P(resbyter)orum
O(ctaviani) Sce Marie in Via Lata
Ioh(ann)is. Sci. Nicolai in Carcere Tulliano
O(ctoboni) Sci. Adriani
I(acobi) Sce. Marie in Cosmedin
G(odefridi) Sci. Georgii ad Velum Aureum
V(berti) Sci Eustachii
M(athei) Sce. Marie in Porticu, Diaconorum Cardi(na)lium
apud Viterbium in consistorio majori Palatii congregato, ac etiam ex parte Rmi. Pris. dni. Ricardi Sci. Angeli Diaconi Card(ina)lis in dicto consistorio non existentis, precise et espresse mandavit d(omi)no Alberto de Montebono Potestati et Raynerio qm Raynerii Gatti Cap(ita)neo Civitatis Viterbien(sis) p(raese)ntibus, et astantibus coram ipsis d(omi)nis Cardinalibus, sub debito fidelitatis....
de mandato d(omi)norum Card(ina)lium coram ven(erabi)li viro d(omi)no Petro de Montebono Ap(osto)lice Sedis Camerario et notario praestiterunt, a coartatione nuper facta per eosdem Potestatem, Cap(ita)neum, consilium et Co(mmun)e civitatis Viterbii in personas dictorum Card(ina)lium in dicto Papatio desistant....
This document appears to indicate that Enrico, Bishop of Ostia, is still participating in the activities of the Cardinals in Conclave on August 22, in other words, that he returned to the Conclave. He did not leave the conclave permanently on June 8, 1270. Nonetheless, he did not participate in the electoral compact of September 1, 1271, that instituted the compromise committee. It should also be noted that the Hungarian Cardinal Stephen, Bishop of Palestrina, is still alive on August 22, 1270, and participating, despite notices of his earlier death [See, e.g., J. Maubach, Die Kardinäle und ihre Politik um die Mitte des XIII. Jahrhunderts (Bonn 1902), p. 39; following Von Hampe, Neues Archiv 23, 614, who puts his death on July 9, 1270]. He does not, however, participate in the creation of the compromise committee in September, 1271. The reason for the absence of Riccardo Annibaldi on this occasion is unknown, though it may be recalled that he was one of the two cardinals who sought to leave the Conclave on June 6, 1270 because of illness..
On October 25, 1270, Cardinal John of Toledo, Bishop of Porto and Santa Rufina, conducted an admission of nuns into the community he had founded at the Monastery of Santa Maria de Paradiso in Viterbo. The document attesting to the admissions indcates that Cardinal John was existens in palatio episcopali Viterbensi, una cum aliis dominis Cardinalibus s(an)c(ta)e Romanae Ecclesi(a)e, pro substituendo Romano Pontifice. Also present was the papal Notary Fratellus, who drew up the document, as well as a bishop, the provisor of the monastery, a cleric of the bishop, and Lord Visconte, son of Raynerio Gatto (Cristofori, Tombe 422). The cardinals may have been confined, but they certainly were not isolated.
It is said, on the authority of Bartholomew of Pisa (Conformitates, I. 8. 2—written ca.1385), that the Saint Bonaventura, General of the Franciscans, who had come to Italy from Paris in 1271 to attend a General Chapter of his Order, visited the Cardinals at Viterbo and harangued them on the urgency of electing a pope. The cardinals so appreciated his reputation that they empowered him to nominate himself or any other to the Papal See, promising at the same time to ratify his selection. (cf. Cristofori, 13 n. 1; 16, n.2) It is he who was said to have nominated Theobald of Piacenza. Bonaventure's biographer, Fr. Laurence Costelloe, OFM (1902), remarks that "This incident must be regarded as quite authentic, for reference is made to it in the process of our saint's canonization (p. 87)"—profound reasoning perhaps, but not sound historical reasoning. Cardella (p. 4) notes the incredulity of many writers (and see Ceccaroni, 2-3). The story makes nonsense of the assertion that the cardinals were locked up in conclave, and ignores several canonical rules as to who was entitled to be present and to vote. The Cardinals were not empowered to alter the Constitution of Alexander III, which governed the Conclave, and required a two-thirds affirmative vote of the Cardinals for a valid election. The story of S. Bonaventura is hagiography, not history. Monastic chronicles and biographies are full of anecdotes about "the great refusal". One may also note that S. Bonaventura is given credit for giving Rainerius Gatto the idea of locking the Cardinals up. But that event happened in June of 1270, not 1271 when Bonaventura was in Italy, and therefore Bonaventura's part appears to be an unsupportable anachronism. In any case we are assured by Cristofori (p. 339 n. 2) that the saintly doctor could not have participated in any violence against the Cardinals and thus could not have inspired Gatto's actions.
A similar story is told about this same conclave and St. Philip Benizi, the General of the Servites, direct competitors of the Franciscans. (Moroni 24, 295; Montor, 30; Cristofori, 10 n., 15; Cardella, 1.2, 283-284) He was so impressive to the Cardinals that they actually elected him pope, and sent Cardinal Ottobono Fieschi, the Cardinal Protector of the Servites (and perhaps a second cardinal) to offer him the papal crown ["Legenda Beati Philippi", in Monumenta Ordinis Servorum Sanactae Mariae II.(Bruxelles 1898), p. 75; cf. "Ystoria del Beato Filippo da Fiorenza", ibidem, p. 100]:
Pervenit autem fama ad aures populorum, necnon per totam Curiam Romanam apertissime resonabat. Et a quibusdam cardinalibus Ecclesiae Sanctae Matris, Apostolica Sede vacante, ipsum dignum pontificatus officio exclamabant. Inter quos fuit venerabilis pater Octavianus de Ubaldinis venerabilis cardinalis atque reverendissimus [ - - ]. Cardinales audientes huius leprosi continuam sanitatem aliaque plurima miracula facta meritis beati Philippi, in unam vocem exarserunt, virum hunc pontificatus offitio dignissimum suadendo..
. However, when Saint Philip heard what the cardinal(s) had in mind, he fled to the mountains and avoided their call to office, according to the Servite Filippo Ferrari:.
Dum Viterbii Cardinales Clemente IV. P.M. vite functo de successore eligendo dissiderent, nonnullis Philippum proponentibus illa re cognita clam inde recedens (quod maximae humilitatis argumentum fuit) apud Montem Tuniatum delituit
This too is hagiography, not history. It hardly conforms to the rest of the information we have about the complete stalemate in the conclave that eventually required a selection by compromise. Additionally, the newer mendicant orders were not looked upon with favor by some in the Curia, and it is unlikely that the General of the Servites would appeal to them. In 1274, the Second Council of Lyons ordered the suppression of all religious orders which had not yet received papal approval, including the Servites, and in 1276 Pope Innocent V (Pierre of Tarantaise, OP) sent a letter to Philip Benizi ordering the suppression of his order.
In addition, there is a tale to the effect that Cardinal Vicedomino de' Vicedomini, a Franciscan tertiary, was elected pope and died on the same day, September 6, 1276—another fiction, made the more remarkable when one notes that the pope who actually was elected by the Cardinals, on September 8, John XXI (Peter Julian of Lisbon) was remarked to be unfriendly to the religous orders (Cristofori, Tombe, 185-203).
It might also be noted that a few years later a Dominican,. Fra Giovanni da Vercelli, OP. the sixth Master General of the Order of Preachers, was allegedly elected pope in 1283 but died before he received notification (Mortier, II 37 n.1, quoting unpublished material from the Archives of the Dominican Order):
dum esset ultra montes, electus est in Papam a D(omi)nis Cardinalibus; sed antequam electio ei fuisset presentata, apud Montempessulanum diem clausit supremum, anno Domini 1283 (Jacques de Soest)
There was no election in 1283, however; Pope Martin IV (Simon de Brie) was in the middle of his reign (1281-1285). Efforts to repair the date, making it read 1280, must fail. There actually was a General Chapter of the Order of Preachers in 1283 at Montepulciano; the meeting place for the next Chapter was fixed for Bologna, but the Acta Capitulorum Generalium (Reichert, 226) has the following note:
Isto anno, scilicet .mo.cco.lxxxiiiio , non fuit celebratum generale capitulum, quia magister ordinis felicis ac dulcis memorie venerabilis pater frater Johannes de Uerzellis, verus Israelita, migravit ad dominum Ihesum Christum in conventu Montispessulani. Vir fuit magne perfectionis atque sanctitatis, et rexit ordinem per magnum tempus, scilicet per decem et novem annos et dimidium in magna sanctitate.
Despite efforts to repair the date, then, and to suggest that Giovanni da Vercelli was the recipient of votes in 1280, but not elected, the story must be considered a complete fiction. Though it is reported in Volume 13 of Cardinal Baronius' Annales Ecclesiastici, edited by Abraham Bzovius, a member of the Order of Preachers (sub anno 1281, no. 1, column 918), it is rejected by Cristofori (Tombe, 191); by Novaes IV 3 note c; and by all responsible authors. It is a Dominican monastic fantasy.
There is another story, retailed in a monastic life of Cardinal Conrad von Urach, O.Cist., once Abbot of Villers and Abbot General of the Cistercians (1217-1219), which the writer claims he heard what Cardinal Conrad himself had said (or does he mean that he had heard that Conrad had said?):
Eo tempore mortuo domno papa, cardinales consentire non valentes in electionem, compromiserunt in duos cardinales, et in hunc reverendum patrem; ipse electus ab hiis duobus, "absit," inquit, "quod dicatur quod ego elegerim me in papam", et sic alius electus est. Cum autem morti appropinquaret hic homo Dei, audi(i) quid dixerit.
The Cardinals were not able to agree on an election (Sede Vacante of 1227). They therefore entered into a compomise, granting the power to elect to two cardinals and Cardinal Conrad von Urach. He was elected by the other two, but he refused the election. And so someone else was elected. The monk-author tells another story he heard from Abbot William of Villers that Cardinal von Urach was able to light candles by pointing at them. This is hagiography, not biography. The story of Conrad von Urach's election to the Papacy, and his Great Refusal, is obviously incompatible with what is known from official sources, and must be rejected. The someone else who was elected was Ugo dei Conti di Segni (Gregory IX), whose electoral manifesto puts a lie to the Cistercian fantasy of an election by compromise.
None of these 'popes' appears in any official list of the Bishops of Rome.
When the cardinals, fifteen of them (the Bishops Stephen, Enrico and, John were not present), could not come to an agreement, they appointed a committee of six cardinals to make the choice ( 'by compromise' ). The Annales Placentini give the names, but with Ottobono Fieschi instead of Giacomo Savelli):
The electoral compact, made on September 1, 1271, was as follows (Cristofori, Le tombe 208-209):
In nomine S(an)c(ta)e et individuae trinitatis patris et filii et spiritus s(an)c(t)i amen. Anno incarnationis dominic(a)e mille CCLXXI mense Septembri, die prima mensis eiusdem. Nos miseratione divina Otho Tusculanus ep(iscopu)s, Simon Sci Martini, Ancherus Sce Praxedis, Guillelmus Sci Marci, Guido Sci Laurentii in Lucina, Symon Sce Cecilie, Anibaldus Basilice duodecim Ap(osto)lorum, p(res)b(yte)r(i), Ricardus sci Angeli, Octavianus sce Marie in Via Lata, Joannes Sci nicholai in carcere tulliano, Octobonus Sci adriani, Jacobus Sce Mariae in Cosmydin, Gottifredus Sci Georgii ad velum aureum, Vbertus Sci Eustachii, et Matheuis Sce Marie in Porticu diaconi Cardinales, Apostolica Sede per obitum fel(icis) rec(ordationis) d(omi)ni C(lementis) pp IIII vacante, in communi consistorio, solito more convenimus de electione summi pontificis tracturi. Cumque omnes et singule consentiremus per viam procedere compromissi, nos pr(a)edicti O. Tusculanus eps, Ancherus Sce Praxedis, Guillelmus Sci Marchi, Simon Sce Cecelie, Anibaldus Basilicae duodecim Apostolorum pbri, Octobonus Sci Adriani, Gottifredus Sci Georgii ad velum aureum, V(bertus) Sci Eustachii et Matheus Sce Mariae in Porticu, diaconi Cardinales, dno Johanne Portuen ep(iscop)o tunc absente a dicto consistorio et infra papale palatium in sua camera constituto, requisito et expresse consentiente, in venerabiles patres profatos dominos Symonem Sci Martini, Guidonem Sci Laurentii in Lucina P(res)b(yte)ros, Ricardum Sci Angeli, Octavianum Sce Mariae in via lata, Joannem Sci Nicholi in Carcere Tulliano, et Jacobum Sce marie in cosmydin Diaconos Cardinales, consentimus et eos compromissarios eligentes ipsi volentibus, et expresse consentientibus, ac compromissum hujusmodi et formam acceptantibus infrascripta contulimus, concordi voto et unanimi consensu, omnes et singuli potestatem providendi sacrosanctae Romanae et universalis ecclesiae de pastore in forma subscripta videlicet, ut quinque ex eisdem sex comprimissariis de sexto ex ipsis sex, vel omnes ipsi sex de aliquo alio de collegio d(omi)norum Cardinalium, seu etiam extra ipsum collegium, in pontificem et pastorem ipsius ecclesi(a)e concorditer providerent. Ad hoc faciendum ipsis pr(a)efata prima die septembris et sequenti concessis. Dicti vero compromissarii singuli, singulariter, et omnes com(m)uniter consentientes ut pr(a)emictitur, huiusmodi compromisso ipsum et potestatem in pr(a)escripta forma concessam, eisdem benigne ac humiliter susceperunt. Actum Viterbii in dicto consistorio, anno, mense, ac die pr(a)edictis.
Ego O. Tusculanus eps in praedictos compromissarios consensi, eos elegi, et ipsis per me potestatem contuli providendi sacrosanctae Roman(a)e ac universali ecclesi(a)e de pastore, in forma pr(a)escripta.
Et sic scribant singuli qui compromiserunt.
Ut autem huic compromisso fides plenius habeatur, ipsum sigillorum nostrorum munimine fecimus communiri.
Cardinal John of Toledo, who was not in the consistory hall when the compact was made, but in his own room infra papale palatium, was asked for his consent, which he gave. Cardinal Stephen, Bishop of Praeneste, is not mentioned. The terms of the compact require the six Compromissarii to agree on one of their number unanimously, or else to choose somebody outside the Sacred College entirely. This apparently precludes them from choosing one of the other cardinals outside the Compromissarii, which indicates that these six were the only six that the whole group of cardinals might consider acceptable as pope, but only if the committee could agree unanimously on one of their own number. Evidently, they could not.
On September 1, 1271, the same day as the compact, the choice of the Compromissarii fell on Tedaldo (Teobaldo) Visconti, the Archdeacon of Liège, who was at Acre in the Holy Land on crusade, a choice which was approved by the other cardinals. The committee report is as follows (Cristofori, Le tombe, 209):
...dicta prima die septembris, ex collata nobis potestate, iuxta formam nobis traditam procedentes, convenimus et concorditer consensimus, vice nostra ac eiusdem collegii, in venerabilem patrem d(omi)num Theodaldum Placentinum, Archidiaconum Leodiensem, seu in ecclesia Leodiensi, ipsum in Romanum pontificem nominantes, ac etiam assumentes, et pr(a)efato domino Symoni nos reliqui quinque compromissarii dedimus potestatem ut eundem d(omi)num T(thedaldum) vice sua et nostra, nec non et totius pr(a)efati collegii, eligeret in ipsius Roman(a)e ac universalis ecclesi(a)e pontificem et pastorem. Et nos pr(a)efatus Simon ipsum evestigio per haec verba.
Ego Symon Sci Martini Pbr Card(inalis) ad honorem d(omi)ni nri Jesu Xristi beatissim(a)e matris eius, s(anct)orum, ap(osto)lorum Petri et Pauli, et omnium s(an)c(t)orum nec non et sancrosanct(a)e ecclesi(a)e memorat(a)e, eligo venerabilem patrem d(omi)num Theodaldum Placentinum Archidiaconum Leodiensem, seu in ecclesia Leodinensi, in Romanum pontificem et pastorem.
Enrico, Bishop of Ostia was indeed not present when the electoral compact was made, but when the election was accomplished, the Cardinals summoned him, asked for, and received his consent to the election (Cristofori, Le tombe, 212):
Ceterum venerabilem patrem d(omi)num H(enricum) Ostiensem episcopum, post h(a)ec ad idem consistorium convocantes, communicavimus ei omnia supradicta, qui ea omnia et singula grata gratanter acceptans, memoratum d(omi)num T(heodaldum) in Romanum pontificem et pastorem humiliter et devote recepit.
The Cardinals immediately wrote to the Bishop-elect, announcing their unanimous agreement to the compromise choice [Baronius-Theiner 22, sub anno 1271, no 15, pp. 260-261; Campi, pp. 409-410]:
Sanctissimo Patri, et Domino Reverendo Domino Thealdo Archidiacono in ecclesia Leodiensi divina providentia in Romanum et summum electum pontificem, miseratione divina Episcopi, Presbyteri, et Diaconi Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae pedum oscula beatorum....
... quia piae recor. D. Clemente Papa IV, dudum de hac luce finibili ad infinibilem evocato (sicut de Redemptoris nostri confidimus pietate) ac ipsius corpore tumulato, Nos missarum solemniis, sicut moris est ad honorem Sancti Spiritus devotissime celebratis, in unum convenimus ad habendum de summi pontificis substitutione tractatum. Quo frequenter habito, et circa tanti profunditatem negotii, cui simile in homanis actibus non cernitur inveniri, diffusi temporis spatio interjecto, ac desideriis eligentium permittente, Domino in diversa divisis; tandem divina propitiante clementia vota nostra in venerabilem personam vestram unanimiter et concorditer dirigentes vos per compromissi viam elegimus in Romanum Summum Pontificem, consueto laudis divinae cantico, fidelium astante multitudine decantato....
... Venerabiles ac providos et discretos viros latores praesentium nostros quidem speciales nuncios cum decreto electionis canonicae de vobis concorditer celebratae ad praesentiam vestram duximus destinandos supplici precum petentes instantia, et per Dei misericordiam obsecrantes, quatenus in virtute illius, qui super pennas ventorum ambulat, et in momento cuncta perficit; prout suae sanctissimae vonuntatis existit; et cessantibus quibuscunque diffugiis, vos accingatis ad iter adeundi Sedem Apostolicam sub anxietate multa spirutus constitutam, quousque de clementissima virtute Altissimi sibi proveniat vestram desiderabilem faciem intueri.... Istis etenim nostrae devotionis eloquiis cum affectu paterno clementer auditis virtute paracliti festinare nos vestros videre fratres et filios, et consolari corda gementium, quibus in visione vestri vultus Angelici quasi dabitur vidisse delicias Paradisi...
Teobaldo was an Italian, born in Piacenza, nephew of Otto Visconti, the Archbishop of Milan. He had worked previously with Cardinal Jacobus of Palestrina (Giacomo Pecorario), who was also from Piacenza, to organize the first Council of Lyons in June, 1245. Twenty years later he had been a member of Cardinal Ottobono Fieschi's mission to England (1265) to restore Henry III. There he became a familiar of the future Edward I, with whom he went on crusade. His nephew, Vicedomino de' Vicedomini, a native of Piacenza, Archbishop of Aix, had been a follower and advisor of King Charles I ever since he came into Italy. The Pope-Elect arrived in Viterbo in early February, 1272, where he assumed the papal mantle. From Viterbo he wrote as Episcopus Electus to his Franciscan colleague, Odo Rigaldi, OMin., Archbishop of Rouen, on March 4, 1272 [Bullarium Franciscanum 3, pp. 173-174], and on the same day to the officials of the Knights Templars in Jerusalem [Campi, p. 413]. On March 5, also from Viterbo, he wrote a circular letter in favor of the Archbishop of Corinth [Campi, 413-414].
Theobaldus was ordained priest and consecrated bishop in Rome, according to the Chronicon de rebus in Italia gestis (p. 337) and the Annales Placentini Ghibbelini (MGH SS XVIII 554):
die primo mensis januarii applicuit dominus papa in Branditio, deinde Viterbum et vocatus est nomen ejus Gregorius decimus et die dominico XIII mensis marcii cum tota curia intravit Romam et die sabbati sequenti factus est presbyter et die dominica sequenti in civitatem Roman coronatus cecinit et cellebravit missam.
On March 13, he entered Rome with the entire curia, was ordained on March 19, and was crowned as Pope Gregory X at St. Peter's Basilica on March 27, 1272 by Cardinal Giovanni Gaetano Orsini. Gregory IX had wanted this office performed by the Cardinal Protodeacon, and thus Riccardo Annibaldi crowned Pope Clement IV in 1265. But on this occasion the custom was not followed (Cardella I.2, 257-258). On the same day he took possession of the Lateran Basilica (Novaes, 251).
His electoral manifesto, Gloria in altissimis, dated March 29, 1272, addressed to King Henry III of England, survives. It contains nothing of interest [Rymer Foedera I. 2 (Den Haag 1745), p. 121]. Two days later, however, Gregory sent Henry a letter, inviting him to a general council to be held on the subject of the Holy Land, beginning on May 1, 1274 [Rymer Foedera I. 2, pp. 121-122]. King Henry had assumed the cross on April 16, 1271, but he would not meet Pope Gregory at the Council of Lyon.
Chronicon Placentinum et Chronicon de rebus in Italia gestis (edited by J.L.A. Huillard-Bréholles and (Paris: Plon 1856). Clemens IV Epistolae et Dictamina (edited by Matthias Thumser, August 5, 2007, *pdf format) [retrieved November 21, 2008]. Thomas Wykes: Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores: Annales Monastici IV (ed. H. R. Luard) (London 1869) 240-242.
Augustinus Theiner (Editor), Caesaris S. R. E. Cardinalis Baronii, Od. Raynaldi et Jac. Laderchii Annales Ecclesiastici Tomus Vigesimus Secundus 1257-1285 (Barri-Ducis: Ludovicus Guerin 1870) [Baronius-Theiner]
Panvinio,. Onuphrio, Epitome Pontificum Romanorum a S. Petro usque ad Paulum IIII. Gestorum (videlicet) electionisque singulorum & Conclavium compendiaria narratio (Venice: Jacob Strada 1557). Lorenzo Cardella, Memorie storiche de' cardinali della Santa Romana Chiesa Tomo primo (Roma: Pagliarini 1793). Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Annali d' Italia Volume 18 (Firenze 1827). F. Cristofori, Le tombe dei pape in Viterbo (Siena 1887). Edmond Martine and Ursin Durand, Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Historicorum Dogmaticorum Moralium amplissima collectio Tomus VII (Paris 1733) 199-244.
Pietro Maria Campi, "Apologio dell innocente e s. vita del gran pontefice Gregorio il Decimo," in Dell' historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza parte seconda (Piacenza 1651), pp. 315-339; "Vita Gregorii Papae Decimi patria Placentini," pp. 343-349.
William Cornwallis Cartwright, On the Constitution of Papal Conclaves (Edinburgh 1878) 18-20. F. Cristofori, Il conclave del MCCLXX in Viterbo (Roma-Siena-Viterbo 1888) pp. 9-42; 337-348. Giuseppe de Novaes, Elementi per la storia de' Sommi Pontefici terza edizione Volumes II and III (Roma 1821) G. Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica Volume 32 (Venezia 1845) 264-270; Volume 24 (1844) 248-251 [on the Fieschi of Genoa]. A. F. Artaud de Montor, Histoire des souverains pontifes romains Vol. III (Paris 1851) 25-31. Fritz Walter, Die Politik der Kurie unter Gregor X (Berlin 1894), 8-32. R. Sternfeld , Der Kardinal Johann Gaetan Orsini (Papst Nikolaus III) 1244-1277 (Berlin 1905) 152-184; 317-321. Agostino Ceccaroni, Il conclave (Roma-Torino 1901) 2-4. J. Maubach, Die Kardinäle und ihre Politik um die Mitte des XIII. Jahrhunderts (Bonn 1902). F.Gregorovius, History of Rome in the Middle Ages, Volume V.2 second edition, revised (London: George Bell, 1906) 457-460. H. D. Sedgwick, Italy in the Thirteenth Century Volume II (Boston-New York 1912) 71-80. E. Jordan, "Les promotions de cardinaux sous Urbain IV," Revue d' histoire et de littérature religieuses 5 (1900) 322-334. Olga Joelson, Die Papstwahlen des 13. Jahrhunderts bis zur Einfuhrung der Conclaveordnung (Berlin: E. Ebering 1928). K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571 , pp. 106-108. Andreas Fischer, Kardinale im Konklave. Die lange Sedisvakanz der Jahre 1268 bis1271 (Stuttgart: W. de Gruyter-Max Niemeyer 2008) [Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rome, 118].
General background: Johannes C. L. Gieseler, Compendium of Ecclesiastical History fourth edition Volume III (translated by John Winstanley Hull) (Edinburgh 1853); Agostino Parracivini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia e 'familiae' cardinalizie dal 1227 al 1254 (Padua 1972) [Italia Sacra, XVIII]. A. Parracivini Bagliani, "La mobilità della curia romana nel secolo XIII. Reflessi locali," Società e istituzioni dell' Italia communale: l' esempio di Perugia (Secoli XII-XIV) (Perugia 1988) 155-278. A. Parracivini Bagliani, La vita quotidiana alla corte dei papi nel Ducento (Roma-Bari 1996).
On Cardinal John of Toledo, see Hermann Grauert, "Meister Johann von Toledo," Stizungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der historischen Klasse. königl. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften 1901 (München 1902) 111-325. Folkestone Williams, Lives of the English Cardinals Volume I (London: W. H. Allen 1868), 281-344, is virtually nothing but a paraphrase of "that honest Benedictine", Matthew Paris, and contains nothing of interest for the life and career of Cardinal John, except that he received a pension from King Henry III (p. 331; from Royal and Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of Henry III Volume II [London 1866]).
On Bernard Ayglier, OSB, abbot of Montecassino, see: Luigi Tosti, OSB, Storia della Badia di Monte-cassino Tomo III (Napoli 1843) 6-32; 65-89 On Ayglerio, Bernard's brother, also a Benedictine of Montecassino, the Archbishop of Naples (1267-November 6, 1281), see: F. M. Zigarelli, Biografie dei Vescovi e Arcivescovi della Chiesa di Napoli (Napoli: G. Gioja 1861) 60-63. Eduard Winkelmann, Sicilische und paepstliche Kanzleiordnungen und Kanzleigebraeuche des XIII. Jahrhunderts (Innsbruck 1880).
On Cardinal Ottaviano Ubaldini, there is interesting material by someone who knew him, in the Cronaca di Fra Salimbene Parmigiano (translated by Carlo Cantarelli) Volume I (Parma 1882) 279-282; On the death of Cardinal Raoul de Grosparmy, Volume 2, 18-19 (His chronology, however, is seriously faulty, as sometimes are his judgments). Guido Levi, "Il Cardinale Ottaviano degli Ubaldini, secondo il suo carteggio ed altri documenti," Archivio della Società Romana di storia patria 14 ( ), 231-303.
On Cardinal Enrico Ostiensis, see: Jörg Müller, "Hostiensis". Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon Band XXIII (2004) 676-680, also available on-line at Verlag Traugott Bautz (retrieved 08/22/2008). On Odo of Chateauroux, see Axel Müßigbrod, "Odo von Chateauroux". Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon Band VI (1993) 1113, also available on-line at Verlag Traugott Bautz (retrieved 08/22/2008).
On Cardinal Jacopo Savelli, see: Bernhard Pawlicki, Papst Honorius IV (Münster 1896) 4-14.
On Cardinal Stephanus of Hungary , see: Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, "Un frammento del testamento del cardinale Stephanus Hungarus (†1270) nel codice C 95 dell' Archivio del capitolo di San Pietro," Rivista di storia della chiesa in Italia 25 (1971) 168-182.
On the Annibaldi: Fedele Savio, SJ, "Gli Annibaldi di Roma nel secolo XIII," Studi e documenti di storia e diritto 17 (1896) 353-363. Carlo Augusto Bertini (from Teodoro Amayde), "Famiglie Romane: Annibali (Annibaldi)," Rivista 4 (1906) 733-741. Francis Roth, OESA, "Il Cardinale Riccardo Annibaldi, Primo Prottetore dell' Ordine Agostiniano," Augustiniana 2 (1952) 26-60. M. Dikmans, "D' Innocent III à Boniface VIII. Histoire des Conti et des Annibaldi," Bulletin de l' Institut historique belge de Rome 45 (1975) 19-211. The Cardinal's memorial inscription: Petrus Aloysius Galletti, Inscriptiones Romanae Infimi Aevi Romae Exstantes Tomus I (Romae 1760) cxci, no. 3 (Tomb of Cardinal Riccardo Annibaldi de Molaria in the Lateran Basilica)
Cesare Pinzi, Storia della citta di Viterbo, illustrata con note e nuovi documenti in gran parte inediti Volume II (Roma 1888), 241-319. Gary M. Radke, Viterbo: Profile of a Thirteenth-century Papal Palace (Cambridge University Press 1996).
On Giovanni da Vercelli: R. P. Mortier, OP, Histoire des Maitres Généraux de l' Ordre des Frères Prêcheurs Tome second (Paris 1905) 36-38. Fr. Benedictus Maria Reichert, OP (editor), Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum historica: Tomus III. Acta Capitulorum Generalium (Vol. I) (Romae 1898).
©John Paul Adams, CSUN