Cardinal Robert of Geneva (Clement VII) was elected on September 20, 1378 at Fondi, by thirteen Cardinals (out of a total of twenty-two) who had been intimidated and threatened into electing Bartolomeo Prignano, but who, as soon as they were free, renounced their allegiance to "Pope Urban VI". Their rejection of Bartolomeo Prignano was nearly unanimous, only one cardinal (Francesco Tebaldeschi) being too old and infirm to be able to escape the Vatican Palace. Their claim was that Urban's election had been carried out in the midst of violence and fear, and that therefore it was not a free election. The election of Clement was carried out by a two-thirds majority of the Cardinals present at the first and uncanonical election of "Urban VI". Three Italian Cardinals were present in Fondi, but did not take part in the "election"; two of them later joined Clement VII after the third died. Six other cardinals had not left Avignon when Gregory XI moved to Rome; they remained in Avignon during both conclaves of 1378, and participated in neither.
On twelve occasions Clement VII created new cardinals, a total of thirty-four additions. Sixteen of these had died before Clement himself.
Pope Clement VII (1378-1394) died on Wednesday, September 16, 1394, around 6 p.m., in the Papal Palace at Avignon ("Narratio de morte Clementis VII et electione Benedicti XIII," Baluzius I, 562. The "Acta electionis Benedicti XIII" states that it was inter nonam et deciman horam; Baluzius I, 565 ). He had suffered a brief illness, and had a seizure as he was returning to his rooms after having heard Mass ("Prima Vita Clementis VII", Baluzius I, 538; Chrostophe III, 138). Jean Juvenal des Ursins (p. 397ed. Michaud et Poujoulat) says, "le seiziesme jour de septembre cheut malade d' apoplexie, dont il mourut comme soudainement." Clement (Robert of Geneva) was a native of Geneva of the ruling family of counts of Geneva. The Cardinals were present at the event (See "Narratio de morte Clementis VII et electione Benedicti XIII," in Baluzius I, 561-565), except for Cardinals Jacobus de Aragonia, Johannes de Novocastro, and Amadeo de Saluzzo. The "Narratio de morte Clementis VII " (Muratori, 772) adds that Galeotto Petramalari was not there at the deathbed, but arrived in time for the funeral: "lite hac die non erat praesens, sed in beneficio suo de Bolina. Venit tamen post, et interfuit sepulturae Galeotus de Petramala de Aretio in Tuscia, Sancti Georgii ad Velumaureum."
On Friday, September 18, the body of the late pope was removed from the chapel of the Palace and carried to S. Marie de Doms, the Cathedral church of Avignon, where the Cardinals awaited it. Cardinal Leonardo Rossi da Giffoni celebrated the Funeral Mass and gave the sermon.(Martin de Alpartils, p. 9 Ehrle) He was buried next to the body of John XXII. At the time of the Pope's death there were twenty-four cardinals.
The Avignon obedience was supported above all by the French crown, but also by the Kingdom of Naples, the Kingdom of Aragon, the Kingdom of Castile, the Kingdom of Scotland, the Dukedom of Savoy, and various other smaller entities. The scholars of the University of Paris, which also supported Clement, had been discussing the Schism for some time [Jean Juvenal des Ursins, 397]. For more than a dozen years the idea of a Church Council had been discussed, but that raised the difficult and dangerous question as to whether a Council was superior to a Pope, or whether a Pope was superior to a Council. The professors of the University wanted to put their proposals before the King of France (Charles VI de Valois, 1380-1422), but they were blocked by the Duc de Berri, uncle of the King, who was working with the Papal Legate of the Avignon Obedience, Cardinal Pedro de Luna, to frustrate any plans which might be dangerous to the Avignon Papacy. On June 29, 1394, however, thanks to the intervention of Philippe "the Strong', Duke of Burgundy, the King's maternal uncle, they were received in audience by King Charles. They presented three possible projects for resolving the Schism: the way of renunciation by both popes, the way of arbitration by way of judges appointed by both sides, and the way of the General Council. King Charles listened, but he also sent a copy of the address (which he ordered translated into French for wider distribution) to Pope Clement. This action placed the Pope under tremendous pressure (Jean Juvénal des Ursins, 396-398; Creighton I, 124-125 )
On Tuesday, September 23, 1394, the news reached the King of France that His Holiness Pope Clement VII was dead. The King was already intending to hold a special Council that day, but instead after Mass he announced the news that he had received of the Pope's death. He then sent away the Parliamentarians, but kept behind the Dukes Jean de Berri, Philippe de Bourbon and Louis de Valois (Duc d' Orleans, the King's brother), Pierre de Navarre, the Chancellor Arnaud de Corbie, the Patriarch of Alexandria (Nicholas Cremant), the Bishops of Langres (Bernard de la Tour d'Auvergne) and of Meaux (Pierre Fresnel), Amauri d' Orgemont (Chancellor of the Duc d' Orléans), the Vicomte de Melun (Guillaume de Tancarville), Marshal Boucicault, the Sire de Cusins, the Vicomte d' Acy (Jean la Personne), Renauld de Trye, and several others [See Valois, Le conseil du Roy, pp. 97-103]. The Patriarch suggested that King Charles write to the College of Cardinals not to hold an election until the King could have his views presented by an ambassador. This was agreed to by all, except for the Bishop of Meaux. [Valois III, 3-5]. A letter also arrived during the meeting from the Cardinals, signed by Jean de la Grange, Nicholas Brancacci and Pierre de Thury, advising the King formally of the death of Pope Clement [Valois III, 5].
The King's letter to the Cardinals, dated September 22, read [Religieux de Saint-Denys, Book XV, capitulum VII; pp. 190 ed. Bellaguet]:
Carissimi et speciales amici, cito post dolorosa nova nobis exhibita de transitu deffuncti Clementis pape, bone memorie, cui parcat Altissimus, et de quo dolentes fuimus cordialiter et sumus, congregavimus consilium nostrum, quod a presens habemus nobiscum, cum multis aliis de nostro magno consilio, ad avisandum quid nobis agendum esset super unione et bono universalis Ecclesie. Et quia hoc negocium magnum est et arduum, totamque fidelium christianorum congregacionem tangit, in ista materia non potuimus ita breviter deliberare vel concludere. Quapropter rogamus vos et affectuose requirimus per pacem et unionem Ecclesie, quam tenemini totis viribus procurare, et per amorem quem desideratis habere erga nos et regnum nostrum, quatinus ad electionem cujuscunque minime procedatis, sed aliquantulum differatis, donec accesserint ad vos nostri nuncii speciales et sollemnes, quos ad vos propter istam materiam cicius quam poterimus transmitemus, scientes quod interim vos minime sollicitabimus, nec requiremus quod eligatis aliquem nec favore nec amore cujuscumque.
On Wednesday, September 23, as soon as the news of the death of Pope Clement had reached them, the University, by unanimous consent of the Masters and Doctors, sent a deputation of senior professors to speak with the King. The delegation was led by the Rector. They presented the King with four demands (quatuor requisierunt): (1) that he should advise the Sacred College to postpone the election, until discussions could be held about Church unity; (2) that the barons and prelates, and those burghers of highest authority in the realm should gather to discuss and advise what ought to be done in this very difficult business; (3) that he should write to Pope Boniface [IX, Pietro Tomacelli, the Roman successor of Urban VI] and also to the nobility who favored his cause in the hope of bringing about peace; (4) that he should order devotions and processions throught his realm, and allow the University of Paris to consult other universities and receive their responses, without having to ask permission of the King. Their requests seemed reasonable, and so the King agreed. He then told them to resume their teaching duties, which had been suspended for some time. After lunch, the King held a council, and informed the members what he had agreed to with the University. The Council agreed with the King, and decided to appoint Renaud de Roye. Marshal Boucicault was to carry another letter to Raymond de Turenne, nephew of the late Pope, not to molest the Cardinals with his warlike operations (Religieux de Saint-Denys, Book XV, capitulum VII; pp. 192-194 ed. Bellaguet; cf. Baronius-Reynaldus 7, 573-574).
Raymond de Turenne was of particilar concern for the Conclave (Jean Juvénal des Ursins, p. 397-398):
Et lors les cardinaux, apres qu'il eust este mis en sepulture honorablement, ainsi qu'il appartenoit bien, delibererent de eux mettre en conclave. Laquelle chose le Roy cuida plusieurs fois empescher par messagers, et autrement, esperant d'y mettre union. Dont ils firent difficulte, disans qu'il leur falloit un chef, et aussi que messire Raymond de Turaine, qui se disoit neveu du feu Pape, leur menoit guerre tres-grande, et avoit pris par la vaillance de son corps, plusieurs places ausquelles il avoit mis garnisons, parquoy il tenoit les cardinaux en Avignon en grande subjection. Dont les cardinaux escrivirent au Roy, dequoy il fut bien desplaisant contre ledit Raymond, et luy escrivit qu'il se deportast. Lequel craignant le Roy, le fit par aucun temps, et s'abstint de faire guerre.
The King's second letter to the Cardinals, signed on September 24, read:
Carissimi et speciales amici, nostis quod post mortem donimi nostri pape Clementis septimi bone memorie, cujus anima sancta requie perfruatur, nos vobis scripsimus per nostrum equitatorem, rogavimus et requisimus instanter et affectuose ut pro bono pacis universalis Ecclesie non procederetis ad electionem cujuscunque novi summi pontificis, usque quod aliqua nova recepissetis a nobis per nostros solemnes nuncios quos ob joc eciam vobis destinamus. Et quia, carissimi amici, ut nostis, materia est ardua et totam christianitatem tangit, nec potuimus adhuc deliberare super hoc, maxime cum carissimus patruus noster dux Burgundie nobiscum presencialiter non sit. iterum vos rogamus cordialiter quantum possumus, per amorem Jhesu Christi, in tantum quod affectatis Ecclesie universalis unionem et pacem, ut non procedatis ad celebracionem electionis cujuscunque, donec nostri nuncii vos possint adire. Nam procul dubio clare percipimus quod, si aliter faciatis, istud horribile scisma, quod tamdiu in Ecclesia duravit, adhuc durabit diucius; quod erit inevitabilis dolor et plaga que non poterit curari, et quod malum vobis forsan imputabitur in parte.
The "cedula" of the Conclave Oath, dated September 16, 1394, containing the signatures and seals of all the participating twenty-one cardinals, is printed in Muratori Rerum Italicarum Scriptores III. 2, columns 773-775; Baluzius I, 567-572; Christophe III, 480-481. It specifically states that three cardinals "Florentinus, de Agrisolis et de Sancto Martiale se non suscripserunt". Another list is given in the "Acta electionis Benedicti XIII," Baluzius I, 565-568. Eubel Hierarchia Catholica I second edition, p. 29 note 4. Yet another can be found in Martin de Alpertis (p. 10-11 Ehrle).
At the time that the Conclave took place, Cardinal Jean de Murolio was in such financial straits that he had to borrow two hundred francs in gold from Cardinal Joannes de Bronhiaco. He remembers his obligation in his Last Will and Testament (written on September 19, 1397 (Baluzius II, 1092-1107):
Item volo et ordino persolvi Domino meo speciali Domino Iohanni Cardinali Vivariensi ducentos francos auri quos in magna necessitate, videlicet in die qua intravimus conclavium post obitum Domini Clementis, liberaliter et gratiose mihi mutuavit, et ignoro an haveat cedulam a me de dicto mutuo, saepius tamen jocunde dixi sibi quod solutionem dicti mutui assignabam super debito Comitis Empuriarum, qui mihi tenetur ex puro mutuo in ducentis florenis.
After the election, each Cardinal was given 4000 florins by the new Pope Benedict XIII (Baluzius II, 1104).
Cardinal Saluzzo stated that, before the Conclave, there had been several of the cardinals who were of the opinion that Pedro de Luna (Benedict XIII) should be elected (Martène-Durand 7, 472). This was an opinion in which Pedro de Luna concurred (Niem p. 180 Erler):
Quamobrem postea defuncto Clemente sui cardinales credentes, quod Petrus corde gereret, sicut ore prius dixisset, eo praetextu in loco dicti Clementis surrogandum elegerunt....
It was subsequently charged by Cardinal Petrus de Tureyo (Pierre de Thury) that Cardinal de Luna had been conniving with the University of Paris before the death of Clement VII to obtain the papacy ("Avisamenta, unde causati sunt rancores et indignationes et odia inter dominum de Thureyo et dominum papam Benedictum," in Ehrle, p.74):
Item ante mortem domini Clementis anelabat ad papatum et instigabat universitatem, ut instarent super hoc.
The Conclave took place in the Apostolic Palace in Avignon, where Clement VII had died. It opened on Saturday, September 26, 1394, in the evening ("Narratio de morte Clementis VII et electione Benedicti XIII," in Baluzius I, columns 565-566; Muratori, 772). Before the Conclave was enclosed, however, a messenger on horseback, Pierre le Verrier (Valois III, 6), arrived from the King, and presented the first of his letters (the one of September 22) to Cardinal Corsini, the Dean of the College of Cardinals (Religieux de Saint-Denys, Book XV, capitulum VIII; pp. 198 ed. Bellaguet):
Jam domini cardinales electioni summi pontificis instantes conclave intraverant; sed antequam, more solito, clauderentur, equitator regius, qui primas litteras defferebat, huc advenit, et eas domino cardinali de Florencia, qui decanus cardinalium jure antiquitatis tunc erat, presentavit. Per verissimilem conjecturam, in eis mandatum regium contentum domini cardinals conceperunt; quod ne flocci pendere viderentur, omnium consensu unanimi illas minime aperuerunt, donec electionem peregissent; ad quam taliter processerunt.
Guessing what the content of the letter was, the Cardinals unanimously decided not to open it until after the election of a new pope had taken place. They were undoubtedly acting canonically, preserving their freedom of action from outside influence. But their electoral compact may well have had a great deal more force if it were to have been backed up by the support of the King of France, the Royal Council, and the University of Paris. This was something which, no doubt, Cardinal de Luna wished to avoid, since it might constrain the new Pope far more effectively than an electoral compact, which he could easily annul canonically. The political consequences of the Cardinals' choice, however, was to haunt the Church for the next thirty years, and more.
It should be noted that the Cardinal de Saluzzo stated some months later, on June 1, 1395, that he himself had counselled against proceeding with the election (Martène-Durand VII, column 472 §19); Valois III, p. 12 and n. 4). According to Cardinal Leonardo Rossi da Giffoni, it was Pedro de Luna himself who made the arguments against going forward with the election (Valois III, p. 12 n. 4). Martin de Alpartis' information (p. 11) was that there were two parties, the larger of which did not want the letter opened.
Eighteen of the Cardinals at Avignon formalized an agreement among themselves, adding their signatures and their seals. Their stated motive was to bring to an end the disastrous schism that gripped the Church and provide for the salvation of souls. It included a provision that each would strive his hardest to end the Schism, even to resignation of the Papacy if a majority of the Cardinals should judge it to be expedient. The text reads (in the Religieux de Saint-Denys, Book XV, capitulum VIII; pp. 198-202 ed. Bellaguet; Muratori Rerum Italicarum Scriptores III. 2, columns 773-775; Baluzius I, 567-572; Christophe III, 480-481; Baronius-Raynaldus 7, 575, without the names of the cardinals; Souchon I, 296-300):
Nos omnes et singuli sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinales congregati pro electione futura in Conclave ante altare in quo Missa communis celebrari consuevit, pro Dei servitio, unitate Ecclesiae suae sanctae, ac salute animarum fidelium omnium promittemus et juramus ad sancta Dei Evangelia corporaliter per nos tacta, quod absque fraude, dolo, et machinatione quibuscumque ad unionem Ecclesiae et finem imponendum Schismati ( proh dolor! ) in Ecclesia nunc vigenti, quantum in nobis erit, laborabimus fideliter et diligenter, et per nos, quantum ad nos pertinet, seu etiam pertinebit, dabimus Pastori nostro et gregis Dominici ac Vicario Christi Domino nostro futuro, qui erit pro tempore, auxilium, consilium et favorem, nec ad impediendum vel differendum praemissa dabimus consilium vel favorem directe vel indirecte, publice vel occulte; et ista omnia et alias etiam ultra praemissa omnes vias utiles et accommodas ad utilitatem Ecclesiae, et unionem praedictam ejusdem sane, et veraciter sine machinatione seu excusatione vel dilatione quacumque servabit et procurabit posse tenus quilibet nostrum, etiamsi assumtus fuerit ad Apostolatum, etiam usque ad cessionem inclusive per ipsum de Papatu faciendam, si Dominis Cardinalibus, qui nunc sunt, vel erunt in futurum de iis qui sunt nunc, vel majori parte eorumdem, hoc pro bono Ecclesiae et unitatis praedictae videatur expedire.
Eighteen of the twenty-one Cardinals signed the oath, including Cardinal Pedro de Luna, Sanctae Mariae in Cosmedin Diaconus Cardinalis (see Erler, Theoderici de Nyem de scismate libri tres, p. 180 n.1). Martin de Alpartils states in his chronicle (p. 11 Ehrle) that De Luna was unwilling to sign, being aware that he might well be elected pope, but that Cardinal Niccolò Brancaccio, who was his close personal friend, persuaded him to do so. Three cardinals did not sign: Pietro Corsini, Guilelmus de Agrifolio, and Hugo de Sancti Martiali.
On September 27, while the Conclave was in progress, a third letter was sent by King Charles, supplying credentials for his special embassy to the Cardinals (Martène-Durand VII, 436):
Tres chers et especiaux amis, incontinent que sceu avons le trespassement de sainte memoire pape Clement VII. dont Dieu par sa sainte grace vueille avoir l'ame, nous en suivant les traces et bonnes moeurs de nos predecesseurs, qui tousjours, comme vous sçaves, ont esté vrais catholiques et singuliers protecteurs et deffendeurs de l'universelle elgise, et qui desirons sur toutes choses, comme raison est, la bonne paix, et union d'icelle eglise, et la cessation de cet horrible et douloreux schisme, qui si longuement a ja duré, et qui est disposé d' encore durer, si bonement n'y est pourveu, avons par bonne et meure deliberation de plusieurs de notre sang et lignage, et de notre grand conseil, estant à present pardevers nous, ordené et deliberé, comme n'agueres vous avons escrit, denoncier brievement pardevers vous, nos messages solemnels, c'est à sçavoir nos amez et seaux Loys de Sancerre et Jehan le Maingre, dit Bouciquaut mareschax de France, Regnaut de Roye nos conseillers et chambellans et maistre Jehan Bertaut notre secretaire, lesquels nous y envoyons et presentement, pour vous informer par eux de notre entention et voulenté, sur les choses dessus dittes, et aucunes autres plus plainement que par lettres ou escrit informer ne pourrions. Si vous prions tres cher et especiaux amis tant affectueusement et de cuer, comme nous plus povons, que nosdits messagers vous vueillez plainement croire de tout ce qu'ils vous diront et exposeront de par nous, et le faire et accomplir tout ainsy comme si nous mesmes le vous disions ou exposions de bouche, et sur tout pour l'amour et affection que vous avez et devez avoir à laditte paix et union de l'eglise, et le plaisir que faire nous voulez, ne vueillez aucune chose faire, ny souffrir faire au contraire. Donné à Paris le XXVI. jour de Septembre.
On Monday, September 28, 1394, Cardinal Pedro de Luna was elected pape unanimiter et concorditer—the customary cliché. The Religieux de Saint-Denys (Book XV, capitulum VIII; p. 202 ed. Bellaguet) states, "pari et consona voce ac unanimi consensu". The Religieux also reports, as heresay, that Pedro de Luna had at first refused the election, but eventually at the requests of the cardinals accepted: "Quidem asserunt eumdem hanc summan auctoritatem primo refutasse, sed postmodum ad preces cardinalium acceptasse." In fact, it is what Benedict XIII himself says in his Electoral Manifesto, Mirabiles elationes (Martene-Durand VII, column 485):
Verum nos gradus altitudinem et oneris imminentis tantae celsitudinis ascensuri molem, praesertim hujus deflendi schismatis procelloso tempore, nobis in cardinalatus diversrumque legationum officio experientiae longo participio non ignotam, attenta meditatione pensantes, eligentium et offerentium instnatiae insufficientiae nostrae imparitatem objecimus, nostram debilitatem, dictante conscientia, cum repetita multoties relaxationis supplicatione humiliter allegantes. Cumque nec sic cessaret instans fratrum importunitas eorumdem, sed vim inferens nostro proposito collegii jussu urgerer, nos ex defenctum nostrorum conscientia diffidentes, de illius omnipotentis clementia, qui pacis et veritatis amator utrumque fecit unum, et diversos parietes in seipso angulari lapide copulavit: sperantes, quod operi manuum suarum dexteram porrigens, nos in tam profunda maris altitudine positos non relinquet, nostris per fratres eosdem multiplicibus excusationibus non admissis, nec lacrymosis deprecationibus exauditis, ne mundi gravi bellorum multiplicatione divulsi, potissime tamen ecclesiae sacrosanctae schismaticae pestis nunc miserabiliter laceratae diffidio, nostrum electioni praedictae denegando consensum, discrimina negligere censeremus, quamquam injuncti oneris molem insufficientia nostra diffugeret, de super abundanti tamen plenitudine misericordiae Dei nostri confisi, ei nostrae imbecillitatis subjecimus imperfectum, ac debiles humeros apostolicae supposuimus servitute.
He states as well that he was elected per viam scrutinii . After lunch the Cardinals opened the Conclave and led the newly elected Pope to the Cathedral of Our Lady of Domps, where he was enthroned and received their submission. The new pope took the name Benedict XIII.
A deputation from the University of Paris was sent to Avignon to congratulate the new Pope on his election. It was led by Pierre d' Ailly, the future Cardinal of Cambrai (Lenfant, Histoire du Concile de Pise I, 63).
On Saturday, October 3, 1394, Benedict XIII was was ordained a priest by Cardinal Guido de Malosicco, Suburbicarian Bishop of Palestrina. On Sunday, October 11, he was consecrated by Jean de Neufchatel, Bishop of Ostia, and crowned by Hugo de Sancti Martiali, Cardinal Deacon (Baluzius I, 567-568; Muratori RIS 3.2, column 773).
Immediately after the election of Benedict, Count Raymond de Touraine resumed his hostilities (Jean Juvénal des Ursins, p. 398):
Et eux [cardinaux] considerans et voyans qu'il leur falloit un chef, eleurent le cardinal de la Lune, lequel fut nommé Benedict. Et assez tost aprés recommença ledit messire Raymond à faire guerre, et estoit sa querelle, qu'il demandoit les biens meubles et succession du pape Clement son oncle. Et disoit-on, qu'il faisoit guerre au Pape sans Rome, et au Roy sans couronne, c'est à sçavoir au roy de Sicile, et au prince d'Orange sans terre, car toutes ses terres estoient occupées.
On February 2, 1395 a national council for union was held in the royal palace by King Charles. It was presided over by Simon Cremaud, Patriarch of Alexandria. Arnaud de Corbie, Chancellor of France, was present. Fifty prelates, a large number of abbots, and doctors and delegates of the University of Paris were present as well. It was decided that the "way of cession" was the quickest and best way of proceeding to bring the Schism to an end. [Baronius-Reynaldus 7, 587 ff.]
In 1395, on June 1, the Papal Court was at Villanova (Villeneuve-les-Avignon). Nineteen Cardinals, meeting in Avignon, in the house once belonging to Cardinal Guy de Boulogne, in the presence of the Dukes of Berry, Burgundy and Orleans—and in response to their questions—declared that the better, quicker and easier way for achieving the union of Christendom was through the "way of cession" of Pope Benedict and his opponent ("Cedula Cardinalium, ad fin.: Muratori Rerum Italicarum Scriptores III. 2, columns 773-775; Baluzius I, 571-572; Christophe III, 480-481). King Charles' instructions for the dukes are printed by Martene & Durand (columns 437-458). The only Cardinal who did not agree was the Cardinal of Pamplona (Martin de Zalba). He became the leader of the party that did not wish to submit and resign (Salve, 140-142). The responses of the Cardinals to the questions of the dukes was notarized and publcized (Martene-Durand VII, 466-472). Benedict did not resign.
King Charles finally withdrew the obedience (support) of France from Benedict XIII on July 27, 1398 (Reynaldus, sub anno 1398, nos.3-15.). He restored it, however, on May 28, 1403 (Reynaldus, sub anno 1403, no.21). And on it went.
Stephanus Baluzius [Étienne Baluze], Vitae Paparum Avinionensium 2 volumes (Paris: apud Franciscum Muguet 1693). Edmund Martène and Ursinus Durand, Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Historicorum, Dogmaticorum, Moralium, Amplissima Collectio Tomus VII (Paris 1733).
Jean Juvénal des Ursins, "Histoire de Charles VI, Roy de France, " ed. Michaud et Poujoulat, Nouvelle collection des mémoires pour servir à l' histoire de France Tome 2 (Paris 1836) 335-569. Theodericus de Nyem [Dietrich Niem]: Georg Erler (editor), Theoderici de Nyem de scismate libri tres (Lipsiae 1890). L. Bellaguet (editor and translator), Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys Tome second (Paris: Crapelet 1840), Liber XV [Latin text and French translation]. Martin de Alpartils, Chronica Actitatorum temporibus Benedicti XIII (edidit Franz Ehrle, SJ) Band I (Paderborn 1906).
H. Moranvillé (editor), Chronographia Regum Francorum Tome troisième, 1380-1405 (Paris: Renouard 1897) ["Chronique de Berne"].
Raynaldus [Odericus Rainaldi] , Caesaris S. R. E. Cardinalis Baronii, Od. Raynaldi et Jac. Laderchii Annales Ecclesiastici Tomus Septimus 1356-1396 (Lucca: Leonardo Venturini 1752). [Original Tomus XXVI. Notably hostile to the Avignon obedience, especially on the part of J. D. Mansi. Polemical works treated as historical works. Text is argumentative, not annalistic.]
Ludovicus Antonius Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores Tomus Tertius (Milan 1723).[lives of the Popes]
Bartolomeo Platina, Historia B. Platinae de vitis pontificum Romanorum ...cui etiam nunc accessit supplementum... per Onuphrium [Panvinium]... et deinde per Antonium Cicarellam (Cologne: Cholini 1626). Bartolomeo Platina, Storia delle vite de' pontefice edizione novissima Tomo Terzo (Venezia: Ferrarin 1763). Aubery, Histoire generale des cardinaux (Paris 1642). Lorenzo Cardella, Memorie storiche de' cardinali della Santa Romana Chiesa Tomo secondo (Roma: Pagliarini 1792). Giuseppe Piatti, Storia critico-cronologica de' Romani Pontefici E de' Generali e Provinciali Concilj Tomo ottavo (Poli: Giovanni Gravier 1767), 194-205. Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Annali d' Italia Edizione seconda Tomo duodecimo (Milano: Gaimbatista Pasquale 1753). Jaques Lenfant, Histoire du Concile de Pise Tome premier (Amsterdam: Pierre Humbert 1724); Tome second (Utrecht: Corneille Guilll. Le febvre 1731).
J.-B. Christophe, L' histoire de la papauté pendant le XIV. siècle Tome troisième (Paris: L. Maison 1853), 110-156. [very Gallican in outlook, hostile to Italian sources]. J.-F. André, Histoire de la papauté à Avignon deuxième edition (Avignon: Seguin Frères 1887). Noël Valois, "Raymond Roger vicomte de Turenne et les papes d'Avignon (1386-1408)," Annuaire-bulletin de la Société de l' histoire de France 26 (1889). Martin Souchon, Die Papstwahlen in der Zeit des Grossen Schismas I (Braunschweig: Benno Goeritz 1898), 205-231. F. Gregorovius, History of Rome in the Middle Ages, Volume V.2 second edition, revised (London: George Bell, 1906). Noël Valois, La France et le Grand Schisme d'Occident Tome second (Paris: Alphonse Picard 1896); Tome troisième (Paris: Picard 1901). Franz Ehrle, SJ, "Neue Materialen zur Geschichte Peters von Luna (Benedict XIII)," Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchen- geschichte des Mittelalters 7 (Freiburg i.B.: Herder 1900).
Noël Valois, Le conseil du Roi aux XIVe, XVe et XVIe siècles (Paris: Picard 1888).
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L.-H. Labande, "Un légiste du XIVe siècle: Jean Allarmet, Cardinal de Brogny," Mélanges Julien Havet (Paris 1895) 487-497.
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© 2010 John Paul Adams, CSUN