History
477
Devine
Spring
2013
Study
Questions for Joy S. Kasson, “The Greek Slave”
- Both Eve Tempted and The Greek Slave by Hiram Powers
depicted nude women. Why was the earlier sculpture, Eve Tempted, less popular with American audiences?
- Why was
it morally (and commercially) risky for Powers to take The Greek Slave on an American
tour? How did he temper the risk
and insure the tour’s success?
- How did
nineteenth century colonialism force Europeans and Americans to rethink
assumptions about the universality of their own Western culture?
- What is
“Orientalism”? How did it allow
Westerners to deal more consciously with their own sensuality? How did it
affect and elicit different responses from Western men and women?
- How did
the narrative device of introducing the “Turkish captors” allow Western
audiences to view The Greek Slave
in an “acceptable” way?
- How do
ideas about the “harem” contribute to the poignancy of The Greek Slave? How does Powers’
sculpture differ from Cermak’s later painting, Episode in the Massacre of Syria?
- How did
the minister Orville Dewey make The
Greek Slave even more “moral” than Powers had in his narrative?
- In what
ways did The Greek Slave appeal
to desire as well as morality?
- How did The Greek Slave call attention to
ambivalent attitudes toward female sexuality during the 1830s? How, according to Kasson, did The Greek Slave serve as the
“epitome of female sexuality” (63) for antebellum audiences?
- How did
audiences project their own anxieties about “disrupted domesticity” into
their reactions to The Greek Slave?
- Why might
The Greek Slave – a victim to
commerce – strike a chord with nineteenth century Americans experiencing
economic dislocation themselves?
- Why did
contemporary viewers see The Greek
Slave as both powerless and powerful? How was she both a captive and captivating? How did audience behavior when viewing
the statue suggest its potential “power”?
- Why is it
not surprising that audience reactions to The Greek Slave often seemed contradictory?
Study
Questions for Davis, The Circus Age Chapter 4
- How did women circus performers challenge
traditional Victorian social
norms of female domesticity and propriety? Why did
they have a “transgressive potential”?
- Why does the author argue that nudity was not
“generic” but rather a “historical construction” contingent upon time,
place, circumstance, and even race?
- The author argues that in that presenting
women performers circus showmen were offering audiences propriety “with a
wink”? What does she mean by this?
- How did the Victorian notion of “separate
spheres” make performing in the circus (or in burlesque) disreputable for
women? What factors led to the decline of “separate spheres”?
- How did new attitudes about female desire, women’s
increased participation in the public sphere,
and the rise of the physical
culture movement begin to change the public’s impression of
both female circus performers and their “scanty” costumes? How had the
definition of “propriety” and “nudity” changed?
- How did colonialism inject the issue of
race into attitudes about female nudity?
- How did circus managers describe the personal
lives and backgrounds of their female performers? Why did they
believe it was necessary to construct such narratives, particularly about
unmarried performers?
- Why did circus promoters have to use seemingly
contradictory “narratives” of domesticity and eroticism to describe female lion tamers and death-defying acrobats?
- How did promoters balance domesticity and eroticism
by justifying female performers’ scanty costumes? Did “in the ring”
and “out of the ring” duplicate the old public vs. private sphere
distinction?
- How did the “gowning revolution” (108-109)
reveal how circus promoters tried to attract audiences by playing to
commonly held notions about gender and propriety?
- Why did so many women join the circus? Were
they empowered or just reinforcing stereotypes in their role as circus
performers? Did big-top performers like May Wirth reinforce or defy society’s
view of women?
- How did circus promoters exploit white
audiences’ racism in order to make erotic “ballet girls” (112) more
acceptable?
- How did Albert Hodgini both challenge and
reinforce traditional notions about gender?
- How did the presentation of white female
“freaks” allow circus promoters to emphasize respectability but also
provide an opening for audiences to contemplate sexuality or perhaps even
poke fun at gender norms?
- Why does the author say that snake charmers
and tattooed women were engaging in “racial masquerade” (126)?
- How were women of color presented in the
circus? What traits did they have that supposedly made them
“savage”?
- How does the popularity of the “ethnological congress”
reflect contemporary attitudes about non-western cultures?
- What factors allowed circus promoters to
succeed in “walking the tightrope” between respectability and
titillation? How were they able to escape the attentions of purity
reformers?