PRACTICE-EXAM #2 FOR SOC 468 EXAM
2: Identify the author of the following SEVENTY (70) passages by last name.
1.
“[The State apparatus] may survive political
events which affect the possession of State power.”ALTHUSSER
2.
“When
changes in the equilibrium of a society lead to the formation of new groupings
or to the strengthening of existing groupings that set themselves the goal of
overcoming resistance of vested interests through conflict, changes in
structural relations, as distinct from simple 'maladjustment', can be expected.
COSER
3.
“No matter how obvious the irrational
character of the whole may manifest itself and, with it, the necessity of
change, insight into necessity has never sufficed for seizing the possible
alternatives. Confronted with the omnipresent efficiency of the given system of
life, its alternatives have always appeared utopian. And insight into necessity,
the consciousness of the evil state, will not suffice even at the stage where
the accomplishments of science and the level of productivity have eliminated
the utopian features of the alternatives – where the established reality rather
than its opposite is utopian.” MARCUSE
4.
“The highest productivity of labor can be used for
the perpetuation of labor, and the most efficient industrialization can serve
the restriction and manipulation of needs.” MARCUSE
5.
“The power of the culture industry’s ideology is
such that conformity has replaced consciousness. The order that springs from it
is never confronted with what it claims to be or with the real interests of
human beings. Order, however, is not good in itself. It would be so only as a
good order. The fact that the culture industry is oblivious to this and extols
order in abstracto,
bears witness to the impotence and untruth of the messages it conveys. While it
claims to lead the perplexed, it deludes with false conflicts which they are to
exchange for their own. It solves conflicts for them only in appearance, in a
way that they can hardly be solved in their real lives.” ADORNO
6.
“Naturally this need to provide the widest base
possible for the selection and elaboration of the top intellectual qualifications
-- i.e., to give a democratic structure to high culture and top-level
technology -- is not without its disadvantages: it creates the possibility of
vast crises of unemployment for the middle intellectual strata, and in all
modern societies this actually takes place.” GRAMSCI
7.
“The functions in question are precisely
organizational and connective. The intellectuals are the dominant group's
‘deputies’ exercising the subaltern functions of social hegemony and political
government. These comprise:
1.
“The "spontaneous" consent given by the
great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life
by the dominant fundamental group; this consent is "historically"
caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group
enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production.”
2.
The apparatus of state coercive power which
‘legally’ enforces discipline on those groups who do not ‘consent’ either
actively or passively. This apparatus is, however, constituted for the whole of
society in anticipation of moments of crisis of command and direction when
spontaneous consent has failed.” GRAMSCI
8.
“[I]t is by an apprenticeship in a variety of
know-how wrapped up in the massive inculcation of the ideology of the ruling
class that the relations of production in a capitalist social formation, i.e.
the relations of exploited to exploiters and exploiters to exploited, are
largely reproduced.” ALTHUSSER
9.
“Thus the task of the theory of conflict turns out
to be to identify the […] conditions [of organization, conflict and change] and
to determine as sharply as possible their respective weight – ideally, by
quantitative measure.” DAHRENDORF
10.
“[L]abour, abstract, equal, comparable labour,
measurable with increasing precision according to the time socially necessary
for its accomplishment, the labour of the capitalist
division of labour existing both as the
presupposition and the product of capitalist production, is born only in the
course of the development of the capitalist system. Only then does it become a
category of society influencing decisively the objective form of things and
people in the society thus emerging, their relation to nature and the possible
relations of men to each other.” LUKACS
11.
“The
divorce of the phenomena of reification from their economic bases, and from the
vantage point from which alone they can be understood, is facilitated by the
fact that the [capitalist] process of transformation must embrace every
manifestation of the life of society if the preconditions for the complete
self-realisation of capitalist production are to be
fulfilled. Thus, capitalism has created a form for the state and a system of
law corresponding to its needs and harmonising with
its own structure. The structural similarity is so great that no truly
perceptive historian of modern capitalism could fail to notice it.” LUKACS
12.
“Modern mass culture, although drawing freely upon
stale cultural values, glorifies the world as it is.” HORKHEIMER
13.
“Decreases in conflict come about by and large by
the opposite of the processes which mobilize conflict.” COLLINS
14.
“The more intense an individual’s concern with
power over things, the more will things dominate him, the more will he lack any
genuine individual traits, and the more will his mind be transformed into an
automaton of formalized reason.” HORKHEIMER
15.
“The cultural commodities of the [culture]
industry are governed [. . .] by the principle of their realization as value, and
not by their own specific content and harmonious formation. The entire practice
of the culture industry transfers the profit motive naked onto cultural forms.”
ADORNO
16.
“The creation of
repressive needs has long since become part of socially necessary labor –
necessary in the sense that without it, the established mode of production
could not be sustained. Neither problems of psychology
nor of aesthetics are at stake, but the material base of domination.” MARCUSE
17.
“Under the conditions of a rising standard of
living, non-conformity with the system itself appears to be socially useless,
and the more so when it entails tangible economic and political disadvantages
and threatens the smooth operation of the whole.” MARCUSE
18.
“Bureaucracy
implies the adjustment of one’s way of life, mode of work and hence of
consciousness to the general socioeconomic premises of the capitalist economy,
similar to that which we have observed in the case of the worker in particular
business concerns. The formal standardisation
of justice, the state, the civil service, etc., signifies objectively and
factually, a comparable reduction of all social functions to their elements, a
comparable search for the rational formal laws of these carefully segregated
partial systems. Subjectively, the divorce between work and the individual
capacities and needs of the worker produces comparable effects upon
consciousness. This results in an inhuman, standardised
division of labour analogous to that which we have
found in industry on the technological and mechanical plane.” LUKACS
19.
“If the
relationship between intellectuals and people-nation, between the leaders and
the led, the rulers and the ruled, is provided by an organic cohesion in which
feeling-passion becomes understanding and thence knowledge (not mechanically
but in a way that is alive), then and only then is the relationship one of
representation. Only then can there take
place an exchange of individual elements between the rulers and ruled, leaders
[dirigenti] and led, and can the shared life be
realized which alone is a social force --with the creation of the ‘historical
bloc’.” GRAMSCI
20.
“Bureaucracy [i.e. formal rules, permanent
organizational positions, and specialized personnel] is, to a large extent, a
precipitate of past social conflicts. […] The result of conflict is never the
utopia envisioned in the movements of intense ideological mobilization; there
are hard-won gains, usually embedded in an expanded bureaucratic shell. Those
who would like to debureaucratize today’s society are
ahistorical romanticists; what they are asking is to
clear away the result of victories by past conflict movements.” COLLINS
21.
“The unity of a product as a commodity no
longer coincides with its unity as a use-value: as society becomes more radically
capitalistic, the increasing technical autonomy of the special operations
involved in production is expressed also, as an economic autonomy, as the
growing relativisation of the commodity character of
a product at the various stages of production.” LUKACS
22.
“[A]ll ideology has the
function (which defines it) of ‘constituting’ concrete individuals as subjects
[; it is] nothing but its functioning in the material forms of existence of
that functioning.” ALTHUSSER
23.
“Thus it
will be well to distinguish between those departures from the norms of a
society which consist in mere 'deviation' and those which involve the formation
of distinctive patterns and new value systems.” COSER
24.
“The function of organizing social hegemony and
state domination certainly gives rise to a particular division of labor and
therefore to a whole hierarchy of qualifications in some of which there is no
apparent attribution of directive or organizational functions.” GRAMSCI
25.
“[T]he structural origin of social conflict [is
located] in the dominance relations which prevail within certain units of
social organization [, i.e. ‘imperatively co-ordinated
group[s]’].” DAHRENDORF
26.
“It is not only the continual pressure of
normative expectations exerted through the processes of socialization and
social control, but also the range of differential opportunities created by the
division of labor, that form the effective social environment of action.” LOCKWOOD
27.
“[The vulgar-marxists] reduce
theory to the ‘scientific’ treatment of the symptoms of social change and as
for practice they are themselves reduced to being buffeted about aimlessly and
uncontrollably by the various elements of the process they had hoped to
master.” LUKACS
28.
“[T]here is an insoluble contradiction running
through the internal structure of capitalism between the social and the
individual principle, i.e., between the function of capital as private property
and its objective economic function.” LUKACS
29.
“[T]he more people who compete for educational
credentials, the higher become the conventional educational requirements for
jobs. “ COLLINS
30.
“Reification requires that a society should
learn to satisfy all its needs in terms of commodity exchange. The
separation of the producer from his means of production, the dissolution and
destruction of all ‘natural’ production units, etc., and all the social and
economic conditions necessary for the emergence of modern capitalism tend to
replace ‘natural’ relations which exhibit human relations more plainly by
rationally reified relations.” LUKACS
31.
“Just as the slogans of rugged individualism are
politically useful to large trusts in seeking exemption from social control, so
in mass culture the rhetoric of individualism, by imposing patterns for
collective imitation, disavows the very principle to which it gives lip
service.” HORKHEIMER
32.
“[E]nlightenment, that
is the progressive technical domination of nature, becomes mass deception and
is turned into a means for fettering consciousness. It impedes the development
of autonomous, independent individuals who judge and decide consciously for
themselves. These, however, would be the precondition for a democratic society
which needs adults who have come of age in order to sustain itself
and develop. [T]he culture industry is not among the least responsible for
making [people] into masses and then despising them, while obstructing the
emancipation for which human beings are as ripe as the productive forces of the
epoch permit.” ADORNO
33.
“The productive apparatus and the goods and
services which it produces ‘sell’ or impose the social system as a whole. The
means of mass transportation and communication, the commodities of lodging,
food, and clothing, the irresistible
output of the entertainment and information industry carry with them prescribed
attitudes and habits, certain intellectual and emotional reactions which bind
the consumers more or less pleasantly to the producers and, through the latter,
the whole. The products indoctrinate and manipulate; they promote a false
consciousness which is immune against its falsehood. And as these beneficial
products become available to more individuals in more social classes, the
indoctrination they carry ceases to be publicity; it becomes a way of life. It
is a good way of life – much better than before – and as a good way of life, it
militates against qualitative changes.” MARCUSE
34.
“In fact, it is the [Ideological State
Apparatuses] which largely secure the reproduction specifically of the
relations of production, behind a ‘shield’ provided by the repressive State
apparatus. It is [in the Ideological State Apparatuses] that the role of the
ruling ideology is heavily concentrated, the ideology of the ruling class,
which holds State power. It is the intermediation of the ruling ideology that
ensures a (sometimes teeth-gritting) ‘harmony’ between the repressive State
Apparatus and the Ideological State Apparatuses, and between the different
State Ideological Apparatuses.” ALTHUSSER
35.
“Whether
given forms of conflict will lead to changes in the social system or to
breakdown and to formation of a new system will depend on the rigidity and
resistance to change, or inversely on the elasticity of the control mechanisms
of the system.” COSER
36.
“[I]n principle [,] the concepts with which we try
to analyze the dynamics of social systems ought to be equally applicable to the
problems of stability and instability, continuance and change of social
structures [.]” LOCKWOOD
37.
“Members of an interest group which is highly mobilized
by social rituals thus acquire not only a sense of their own identity but also
a polarized sense of membership and a symbolic worldview which similarly
dichotomizes the world; as individuals they are charged up with emotional
energy to carry on battles on behalf of their group.” COLLINS
38.
“In this environment, where time is
transformed into abstract, exactly measurable, physical space, an environment
at once the cause and effect of the scientifically and mechanically fragmented
and specialised production of the object of labour, the subjects of labour
must likewise be rationally fragmented.” LUKACS
39.
“In our era of large economic combines and mass
culture, the principle of conformity emancipates itself from its
individualistic veil, is openly proclaimed and raised to the rank of an ideal
per se.” HORKHEIMER
40.
“The masses are not the measure but the ideology
of the culture industry, even though the culture industry itself could scarcely
exist without adapting to the masses.” ADORNO
41.
“By virtue of
the way it has organized its technological base, contemporary industrial
society tends to be totalitarian.” MARCUSE
42.
“This rationalisation
of the world appears to be complete; it seems to penetrate the very depths of
man’s physical and psychic nature. It is limited, however, by its own
formalism. That is to say, the rationalisation of
isolated aspects of life results in the creation of formal laws. All these
things do join together into what seems to the superficial observer to
constitute a unified system of general ‘laws’. But the disregard of the
concrete aspects of the subject matter of these laws, upon which disregard
their authority as laws is based, makes itself felt in the incoherence of the
system in fact. This incoherence becomes particularly egregious in periods of
crisis.” LUKACS
43.
“[C]onflict can keep
going longest when it is mild rather than severe, when it is institutionalized
at moderate levels, with small amounts of violence and large amounts of
organizational maneuvering.” COLLINS
44.
“The generation of conflict, which may be taken as
index of social instability, is never a simple matter of a conflict of material
interest but also involves the normative definition of the situation.” LOCKWOOD
45.
“Strata have grown up which traditionally
"produce" intellectuals and these strata coincide with those which
have specialized in "saving," i.e., the petty and middle landed
bourgeoisie and certain strata of the petty and middle urban bourgeoisie.” GRAMSCI
46.
“Each
social system contains elements of strain and of potential conflict; if in the
analysis of the social structure of a system these elements are ignored, if the
adjustment of patterned relations is the only focus of attention, then it is
not possible to anticipate basic social change.” COSER
47.
“[A]ll ideology
represents in its necessarily imaginary distortion not the existing relations
of production (and the other relations that derive from them), but above all
the (imaginary) relationship of individuals to the relations of production and
the relations that derive from them. What is represented in ideology is
therefore not the system of the real relations which govern the existence of
individuals, but the imaginary relation of those individuals to the real
relations in which they live.” ALTHUSSER
48.
“Just as the problem of order is not just a
function of the existence of a normative order and the social mechanisms which
procure motivation to conform with it but also of the existence of a social
substratum which structures interests differentially in the social system, so
the problem of conflict is not reducible to the analysis of the division of
labor and the group interests consequent on it. It is rather that both conflict
and order are a function of the interaction of norm and substratum.” LOCKWOOD
49.
“As the bourgeoisie has the intellectual,
organizational and every other advantage, the superiority of the proletariat
must lie exclusively in its ability to see society from the center as a
coherent whole. This means that it is able to act in such a way as to change
reality; in the class consciousness of the proletariat theory and practice
coincide and so it can consciously throw the weight of its action onto the
scales of history – and this is the deciding factor.” LUKACS
50.
“The prevailing cynicism among students about
education is hardly surprising; they are aware that the sheer number of credits
and a person’s relative standing in the queue of degree levels is what
determines his/her career, and that the content taught in classrooms is a
temporary commodity needed only for passing the course.” COLLINS
51.
“Just as the capitalist system continuously
produces and reproduces itself economically on higher and higher levels, the
structure of reification progressively sinks more deeply, more fatefully and more
definitively into the consciousness of man.” LUKACS
52.
“Workers today, no less than the rest of the
population, are intellectually better trained, better informed and much less
naïve. The workers […] will join in any persecution of a capitalist or politician
who has been singled out because he has violated the rules of the game; but
they do not question the rules in themselves. They have learned to take social
injustice – even inequity within their own group – as a powerful fact, and to
take powerful facts as the only things to be respected. Their minds are closed
to dreams of a basically different world and to concepts that, instead of being
mere classification of facts, are oriented toward real fulfillment of their
dreams.” HORKHEIMER
53.
“The range of choice open to the individual is not
the decisive factor in determining the degree of human freedom, but what can be chosen and what is chosen by the individual. […] Free
choice among a wide variety of goods and services does not signify freedom if
these goods and services sustain social controls over a life of toil and fear –
that is, if they sustain alienation. And the spontaneous reproduction of
superimposed needs by the individual does not establish autonomy; it only
testifies to the efficacy of the controls.” MARCUSE
54.
“This is the pure form of servitude: to exist as
an instrument, as a thing. And this mode of existence is not abrogated if the
thing is animated and chooses its material and intellectual food, if it does
not feel its being-a-thing, if it is a pretty, clean, mobile thing.” MARCUSE
55.
“The older ‘natural’ and ‘conservative’ forms of
domination had left unmolested the forms of production of whole sections of the
people they ruled and therefore exerted by and large a traditional and unrevolutionary influence. Capitalism, by contrast, is a
revolutionary form par excellence. The fact that [the bourgeoisie] must
necessarily remain in ignorance of the objective economic limitations of its
own system expresses itself as an internal, dialectical contradiction in its
class consciousness.” LUKACS
56.
“A
well-integrated society will tolerate and even welcome group conflict; only a
weakly integrated one must fear it.” COSER
57.
“[T]hose who are in ideology believe themselves by
definition outside ideology: one of the effects of ideology is the practical denegation
of the ideological character of ideology by ideology: ideology never says,
'I am ideological'. […] As is well known, the accusation of being in ideology
only applies to others, never to oneself.” ALTHUSSER
58.
“[I] shall designate the roles in which the
expectation of the exercise of authority is attached as ‘positive dominance
roles’ and, conversely, the roles without authority privileges as ‘negative
dominance roles.’” DAHRENDORF
59.
“[I]deology ‘acts’ or
‘functions’ in such a way that it ‘recruits’ subjects among the individuals (it
recruits them all), or ‘transforms’ the individuals into subjects (it
transforms them all) by that very precise operation which I have called
interpellation or hailing [.]” ALTHUSSER
60.
“Any study of social change, defined even in terms
of change in institutionalized value patterns, must be based on concepts that
can interrelate the realistic and normative structure
of the situation with the resultant actions of individuals and groups.” LOCKWOOD
61.
“Deescalation of
relatively mild forms of group conflict tends to take place by
bureaucratization.” COLLINS
62.
“The atomisation of
the individual is, then, only the reflex in consciousness of the fact that the
‘natural laws’ of capitalist production have been extended to cover everything
- for the first time in history, the whole of society is subjected, or tends to
be subjected, to a unified economic process - and that the fate of every member
of society is determined by unified laws. (By contrast, the organic unities of
pre-capitalist societies organised their metabolism
largely in independence of each other).” LUKACS
63.
“The very idea of truth has been reduced to the
purpose of a useful tool in the control of nature, and the realization of the
infinite potentialities inherent in man has been relegated to the status of a
luxury. Thought that does not serve the interests of any established group or
is not pertinent to the business of any industry has no place, is considered
vain or superfluous.” HORKHEIMER
64.
“[I]t is
the very success with which the economy is totally rationalised
and transformed into an abstract and mathematically orientated system of formal
‘laws’ that creates the methodological barrier to understanding the phenomenon
of crisis. In moments of crisis, the qualitative existence of the ‘things’ that
lead their lives beyond the purview of economics as misunderstood and neglected
things-in-themselves, as use-values, suddenly becomes the decisive factor.” LUKACS
65.
“The distinguishing feature of advanced industrial
society is its effective suffocation of those needs which demand liberation –
liberation also from that which is tolerable and rewarding and comfortable –
while it sustains and absolves the destructive power and repressive function of
the affluent society.” MARCUSE
66.
“The distinction between a worker faced with a
particular machine, the entrepreneur faced with a given type of mechanical
development, the technologist faced with the state of science and the profitability
of its application to technology, is purely quantitative; it does not directly
entail any qualitative difference in the structure of consciousness.” LUKACS
67.
“The process of
historical development is a unity in time through which the present contains
the whole of the past and in the present is realized that part of the past
which is ‘essential’ -- with no residue of any ‘unknowable’ representing the
true ‘essence’. The part which is lost, i.e., not transmitted dialectically in
the historical process, was in itself of no import, casual and contingent
‘dross’, chronicle and not history, a superficial and negligible episode in the
last analysis.” GRAMSCI
68.
“[S]olidarity has not only
a positive face but also a negative one; the group which is most morally
committed, its members most dedicated to the altruistic, self-sacrificing tasks
of defending the collective whole, is also the group which is most morally
self-righteous.” COLLINS
69.
“[T]he objective of the class struggle concerns
State power, and in consequence [,] the use of the State apparatuses by the
classes (or alliance of classes or of fractions of classes) holding State power
as a function of their class objectives.” ALTHUSSER
70.
“Potential conflicting interests become effective
to the extent that they are mobilized, relative to the mobilization of opposing
interests.” COLLINS