PRACTICE EXAM #1 FOR SOC 468 EXAM 2: Identify the author of the following SEVENTY (70) passages by last name.

 

  1. “Thus the task of the theory of conflict turns out to be to identify the […] conditions [of organization, conflict and change] and to determine as sharply as possible their respective weight – ideally, by quantitative measure.” DAHRENDORF

 

  1. “[T]hose who are in ideology believe themselves by definition outside ideology: one of the effects of ideology is the practical denegation of the ideological character of ideology by ideology: ideology never says, 'I am ideological'. […] As is well known, the accusation of being in ideology only applies to others, never to oneself.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1. “The generation of conflict, which may be taken as index of social instability, is never a simple matter of a conflict of material interest but also involves the normative definition of the situation.”LOCKWOD

 

  1. “Potential conflicting interests become effective to the extent that they are mobilized, relative to the mobilization of opposing interests.”COLLINS

 

  1. [L]abour, abstract, equal, comparable labour, measurable with increasing precision according to the time socially necessary for its accomplishment, the labour of the capitalist division of labour existing both as the presupposition and the product of capitalist production, is born only in the course of the development of the capitalist system. Only then does it become a category of society influencing decisively the objective form of things and people in the society thus emerging, their relation to nature and the possible relations of men to each other.”LUKACS

 

  1. “Modern mass culture, although drawing freely upon stale cultural values, glorifies the world as it is.”HORKHEIMER

 

  1. “The masses are not the measure but the ideology of the culture industry, even though the culture industry itself could scarcely exist without adapting to the masses.”ADORNO

 

  1. “The distinguishing feature of advanced industrial society is its effective suffocation of those needs which demand liberation – liberation also from that which is tolerable and rewarding and comfortable – while it sustains and absolves the destructive power and repressive function of the affluent society.”MARCUSE

 

  1. “Beyond the personal realm, self-determination presupposes free available energy which is not expended in superimposed material and intellectual labor. It must be free energy also in the sense that it is not channeled into the handling of goods and services which satisfy the individual, while rendering him incapable of achieving an existence of his own, unable to grasp the possibilities which are repelled by his satisfaction.” MARCUSE

 

  1. “Workers today, no less than the rest of the population, are intellectually better trained, better informed and much less naïve. The workers […] will join in any persecution of a capitalist or politician who has been singled out because he has violated the rules of the game; but they do not question the rules in themselves. They have learned to take social injustice – even inequity within their own group – as a powerful fact, and to take powerful facts as the only things to be respected. Their minds are closed to dreams of a basically different world and to concepts that, instead of being mere classification of facts, are oriented toward real fulfillment of their dreams.”HORKHEIMER

 

  1.  It is evident that the whole structure of capitalist production rests on the interaction between a necessity subject to strict laws in all isolated phenomena, and the relative irrationality of the total process. […]The capitalist process of rationalisation based on private economic calculation requires that every manifestation of life shall exhibit this very interaction between details which are subject to laws and a totality ruled by chance.”LUKACS

 

  1.  In this environment, where time is transformed into abstract, exactly measurable, physical space, an environment at once the cause and effect of the scientifically and mechanically fragmented and specialised production of the object of labour, the subjects of labour must likewise be rationally fragmented.”LUKACS

 

  1. “[S]olidarity has not only a positive face but also a negative one; the group which is most morally committed, its members most dedicated to the altruistic, self-sacrificing tasks of defending the collective whole, is also the group which is most morally self-righteous.”COLLINS

 

  1. “Sociological theory is concerned, or should be, with the social and psychological processes whereby social structure in [the] dual sense [of a normative and a factual order] conditions human motives and actions. The existence of a normative order in no way entails that individuals will act in accordance with it; in the same way [,] the existence of a given factual order in no way means that certain kinds of behavior result.”LOCKWOOD

 

  1.  “Thus it will be well to distinguish between those departures from the norms of a society which consist in mere 'deviation' and those which involve the formation of distinctive patterns and new value systems.”COSER

 

  1. “[T]he class struggle extends beyond the ISAs because it is rooted elsewhere than in ideology, in the Infrastructure, in the relations of production, which are relations of exploitation and constitute the base for class relations.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1. “Even presupposing that it exists, the unity that constitutes th[e] plurality of ISAs as a body is not immediately visible.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1. “The power of the culture industry’s ideology is such that conformity has replaced consciousness. The order that springs from it is never confronted with what it claims to be or with the real interests of human beings. Order, however, is not good in itself. It would be so only as a good order. The fact that the culture industry is oblivious to this and extols order in abstracto, bears witness to the impotence and untruth of the messages it conveys. While it claims to lead the perplexed, it deludes with false conflicts which they are to exchange for their own. It solves conflicts for them only in appearance, in a way that they can hardly be solved in their real lives.”ADORNO

 

  1. “The range of choice open to the individual is not the decisive factor in determining the degree of human freedom, but what can be chosen and what is chosen by the individual. […] Free choice among a wide variety of goods and services does not signify freedom if these goods and services sustain social controls over a life of toil and fear – that is, if they sustain alienation. And the spontaneous reproduction of superimposed needs by the individual does not establish autonomy; it only testifies to the efficacy of the controls.”MARCUSE

 

  1. “[C]onflict can keep going longest when it is mild rather than severe, when it is institutionalized at moderate levels, with small amounts of violence and large amounts of organizational maneuvering.”COLLINS

 

  1. “Any study of social change, defined even in terms of change in institutionalized value patterns, must be based on concepts that can interrelate the realistic and normative structure of the situation with the resultant actions of individuals and groups.” LOCKWOOD

 

  1. “[T]he criticism of the unapplicability of the structural-functional theory for the analysis of conflict is directed only against a claim of generality of this theory which leaves untouched its competence with respect to the problem of integration.”DAHRENDORF

 

  1. “[T]he ideal […] and spiritual existence of ‘ideas' arises exclusively in an ideology of the 'idea' and of ideology, and let me add, in an ideology of what seems to have ‘founded' this conception since the emergence of the sciences, i.e. what the practicians of the sciences represent to themselves in their spontaneous ideology as 'ideas', true or false.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1.  “Whether given forms of conflict will lead to changes in the social system or to breakdown and to formation of a new system will depend on the rigidity and resistance to change, or inversely on the elasticity of the control mechanisms of the system.”COSER

 

  1. “It is not only the continual pressure of normative expectations exerted through the processes of socialization and social control, but also the range of differential opportunities created by the division of labor, that form the effective social environment of action.”LOCKWOOD

 

  1. “The mass inflationary credential-producing education of the future may not be very pleasant to live in, especially if one is an educator who values cultural ideals or an egalitarian ideology.  Nevertheless, it is a solution to the structural crisis in employment, and it appeals to the material interests of educators, since it makes their jobs structurally indispensable.”COLLINS

 

  1.  Reification requires that a society should learn to satisfy all its needs in terms of commodity exchange. The separation of the producer from his means of production, the dissolution and destruction of all ‘natural’ production units, etc., and all the social and economic conditions necessary for the emergence of modern capitalism tend to replace ‘natural’ relations which exhibit human relations more plainly by rationally reified relations.”LUKACS

 

  1.  This rationalisation of the world appears to be complete; it seems to penetrate the very depths of man’s physical and psychic nature. It is limited, however, by its own formalism. That is to say, the rationalisation of isolated aspects of life results in the creation of formal laws. All these things do join together into what seems to the superficial observer to constitute a unified system of general ‘laws’. But the disregard of the concrete aspects of the subject matter of these laws, upon which disregard their authority as laws is based, makes itself felt in the incoherence of the system in fact. This incoherence becomes particularly egregious in periods of crisis.”LUKACS

 

  1. “In our era of large economic combines and mass culture, the principle of conformity emancipates itself from its individualistic veil, is openly proclaimed and raised to the rank of an ideal per se.”HORKHEIMER

 

  1. It may also be supposed that the consciousness of the consumers [of the products of the culture industry] themselves is split between the prescribed fun which is supplied them by the culture industry and a not particularly well-hidden doubt about its blessings. […] People are not only, as the saying goes, falling for the swindle; if it guarantees them even the most fleeting gratification, they desire a deception which is nonetheless transparent to them. […] […] Without admitting it [,] they sense that their lives would be completely intolerable as soon as they no longer clung to satisfactions which are none at all.”ADORNO

 

  1. “The productive apparatus and the goods and services which it produces ‘sell’ or impose the social system as a whole. The means of mass transportation and communication, the commodities of lodging, food, and clothing,  the irresistible output of the entertainment and information industry carry with them prescribed attitudes and habits, certain intellectual and emotional reactions which bind the consumers more or less pleasantly to the producers and, through the latter, the whole. The products indoctrinate and manipulate; they promote a false consciousness which is immune against its falsehood. And as these beneficial products become available to more individuals in more social classes, the indoctrination they carry ceases to be publicity; it becomes a way of life. It is a good way of life – much better than before – and as a good way of life, it militates against qualitative changes.”MARCUSE

 

  1. “The whole of the political class struggle revolves around the State [, b]y which I mean around the possession, i.e. the seizure and conservation [,] of State power by a certain class or by an alliance between classes or class fractions. [Thus, I] distinguish between State power (conservation of State power or seizure of State power), the objective of the political class struggle on the one hand, and the State apparatus on the other.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1. “[T]he peculiarity of ideology is that it is endowed with a structure and functioning such as to make it a non-historical reality, i.e. an omni-historical reality, in the sense in which that structure and functioning are immutable, present in the same form throughout what we call history [, i.e.] the history of class societies.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1.  “However, mere 'frustration' will not lead to a questioning of the legitimacy of the position of the vested interests, and hence to conflict. Levels of aspiration as well as feelings of deprivation are relative to institutionalized expectations and are established through comparison.”COSER

 

  1. “[T]he structural origin of social conflict [is located] in the dominance relations which prevail within certain units of social organization [, i.e. ‘imperatively co-ordinated group[s]’].”DAHRENDORF

 

  1. “American society is settling into a Marxian-style structural crisis, but without a Marxian class mobilization. To the contrary, the fragmentation of conflict group[s] makes a unified class-based movement reacting to the economic crisis both ideologically and organizationally remote.”COLLINS

 

  1. Just as the capitalist system continuously produces and reproduces itself economically on higher and higher levels, the structure of reification progressively sinks more deeply, more fatefully and more definitively into the consciousness of man.”LUKACS

 

  1.  The distinction between a worker faced with a particular machine, the entrepreneur faced with a given type of mechanical development, the technologist faced with the state of science and the profitability of its application to technology, is purely quantitative; it does not directly entail any qualitative difference in the structure of consciousness.LUKACS

 

  1. “Just as the slogans of rugged individualism are politically useful to large trusts in seeking exemption from social control, so in mass culture the rhetoric of individualism, by imposing patterns for collective imitation, disavows the very principle to which it gives lip service.”HORKHEIMER

 

  1. “For any consciousness and conscience, for any experience which does not accept the prevailing societal interest as the supreme law of thought and behavior, the established universe of needs and satisfactions is a fact to be questioned – questioned in terms of truth and falsehood.”MARCUSE

 

  1. “The highest productivity of labor can be used for the perpetuation of labor, and the most efficient industrialization can serve the restriction and manipulation of needs.”MARCUSE

 

  1. “Civilization produces the means for freeing Nature from its own brutality, its own insufficiency, its own blindness, by virtue of the cognitive and transforming power of Reason. And Reason can fulfill this function only as post-technological rationality, in which technics is itself the instrumentality of pacification, organon of the “art of life.” The function of Reason then converges with the function of Art.” MARCUSE

 

  1. “It is not technology or the motive to self-preservation that in itself accounts for the decline of the individual; it is not production per se, but the forms in which it takes place – the interrelationships of human beings within the specific framework of industrialism. Human toil [,] and research and invention [are] a response to the challenge of necessity. The pattern becomes absurd only when people make toil, research, and inventions into idols.”HORKHEIMER

 

  1.  The transformation of the commodity relation into a thing of ‘ghostly objectivity’ cannot therefore content itself with the reduction of all objects for the gratification of human needs to commodities. It stamps its imprint upon the whole consciousness of man; his qualities and abilities are no longer an organic part of his personality, they are things which he can ‘own’ or ‘dispose of’ like the various objects of the external world. And there is no natural form in which human relations can be cast, no way in which man can bring his physical and psychic ‘qualities’ into play without their being subjected increasingly to this reifying process.”LUKACS

 

  1. “The domain of the State escapes [the distinction between the public and the private that is internal to bourgeois law, valid in the (subordinate) domains in which bourgeois law exercises its ‘authority’,] because […] the State, which is the State of the ruling class, is neither public nor private; on the contrary it is the precondition for any distinction between public and private.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1.  “A well-integrated society will tolerate and even welcome group conflict; only a weakly integrated one must fear it.”COSER

 

  1. “Just as the problem of order is not just a function of the existence of a normative order and the social mechanisms which procure motivation to conform with it but also of the existence of a social substratum which structures interests differentially in the social system, so the problem of conflict is not reducible to the analysis of the division of labor and the group interests consequent on it. It is rather that both conflict and order are a function of the interaction of norm and substratum.”LOCKWOOD

 

  1. “Deescalation of relatively mild forms of group conflict tends to take place by bureaucratization.”COLLINS

 

  1.  The unity of a product as a commodity no longer coincides with its unity as a use-value: as society becomes more radically capitalistic, the increasing technical autonomy of the special operations involved in production is expressed also, as an economic autonomy, as the growing relativisation of the commodity character of a product at the various stages of production.”LUKACS

 

  1.  For the essence of rational calculation is based ultimately upon the recognition and the inclusion in one’s calculations of the inevitable chain of cause and effect in certain events - independently of individual ‘caprice’. In consequence, man’s activity does not go beyond the correct calculation of the possible outcome of the sequence of events (the ‘laws’ of which he finds ‘ready-made’), and beyond the adroit evasion of disruptive ‘accidents’ by means of protective devices and preventive measures (which are based in their turn on the recognition and application of similar laws).”LUKACS

 

  1. Within the established societies, the continued application of scientific rationality would have reached a terminal point with the mechanization of all socially necessary but individually repressive labor (‘socially necessary’ here includes all performances which can be exercised more effectively by machines, even if these performances produce luxuries and waste rather than necessities). But this stage would also be the end and limit of the scientific rationality in its established structure and direction. Further progress would mean the break, the turn of quantity into quality. It would open the possibility of an essentially new human reality – namely, existence in free time on the basis of fulfilled vital needs. Under such conditions, the scientific project itself would be free for trans-utilitarian ends, and free for the ‘art of living’ beyond the necessities and luxuries of domination. In other words, the completion of the technological reality would be not only the prerequisite, but also the rationale for transcending the technological reality.” MARCUSE

 

  1.  “The cultural commodities of the [culture] industry are governed [. . .] by the principle of their realization as value, and not by their own specific content and harmonious formation. The entire practice of the culture industry transfers the profit motive naked onto cultural forms.”ADORNO

 

  1. “[I]f one is pursuing the ideal of reducing social inequality, decredentialing jobs and eliminating the inflationary educational marketplace would be structurally necessary.”COLLINS

 

  1. “[I]n principle [,] the concepts with which we try to analyze the dynamics of social systems ought to be equally applicable to the problems of stability and instability, continuance and change of social structures [.]”LOCKWOOD

 

  1. “[I]deology ‘acts’ or ‘functions’ in such a way that it ‘recruits’ subjects among the individuals (it recruits them all), or ‘transforms’ the individuals into subjects (it transforms them all) by that very precise operation which I have called interpellation or hailing [.]”ALTHUSSER

 

  1.  “The sources and incidence of conflicting behaviour in each particular system vary according to the type of structure, the patterns of social mobility, of ascribing and achieving status and of allocating scarce power and wealth, as well as the degree to which a specific form of distribution of power, resources and status is accepted by the component actors within the different sub-systems.”COSER

 

  1.  [The fate of each individual worker in a capitalist society] is typical of society as a whole in that this self-objectification, this transformation of a human function into a commodity, reveals in all its starkness the dehumanised and dehumanising function of the commodity relation.”LUKACS

 

  1. “The very idea of truth has been reduced to the purpose of a useful tool in the control of nature, and the realization of the infinite potentialities inherent in man has been relegated to the status of a luxury. Thought that does not serve the interests of any established group or is not pertinent to the business of any industry has no place, is considered vain or superfluous.”HORKHEIMER

 

  1. “The people recognize themselves in their commodities; they find their soul in their automobile, hi-fi set, split-level home, kitchen equipment. The very mechanism which ties the individual to his society has changed, and social control is anchored in the new needs it has produced.”MARCUSE

 

  1. “[A]ll ideology represents in its necessarily imaginary distortion not the existing relations of production (and the other relations that derive from them), but above all the (imaginary) relationship of individuals to the relations of production and the relations that derive from them. What is represented in ideology is therefore not the system of the real relations which govern the existence of individuals, but the imaginary relation of those individuals to the real relations in which they live.”ALTHUSSER

 

  1. “Regarded abstractly and formally, then, class consciousness implies a class-conditioned unconsciousness of one's own socio-historical and economic condition.  This condition is given as a definite structural relation, a definite formal nexus which appears to govern the whole of life. The ‘falseness.’ the illusion implicit in this situation is in no sense arbitrary; it is simply the intellectual reflex of the objective economic structure.”LUKACS

 

  1. “Politics in fact is at any given time the reflection of the tendencies of development in the structure, but it is not necessarily the case that these tendencies must be realized. A structural phase can be correctly studied and analyzed only after it has gone through its whole process of development, and not during the process itself, except hypothetically and with the explicit proviso that one is dealing with hypotheses.”GRAMSCI

 

  1. “The functions in question are precisely organizational and connective. The intellectuals are the dominant group's ‘deputies’ exercising the subaltern functions of social hegemony and political government. These comprise:

 

    1. “The "spontaneous" consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group; this consent is "historically" caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production.”

 

    1. The apparatus of state coercive power which ‘legally’ enforces discipline on those groups who do not ‘consent’ either actively or passively. This apparatus is, however, constituted for the whole of society in anticipation of moments of crisis of command and direction when spontaneous consent has failed.”GRAMSCI

 

 

  1. “[T]he rule of the bourgeoisie can only be the rule of a minority.  Its hegemony is exercised not merely by a minority but in the interest of that minority so that the need to deceive the other classes and to insure that their class consciousness remain amorphous is inescapable for a bourgeois regime. (Consider here the theory of the state that stands ‘above’ class antagonisms, or the notion of an ‘impartial’ system of justice.)”LUKACS

 

  1. “The proletariat must act in a proletarian manner, but its own vulgar-marxist theory blocks its vision of the right course to adopt. The dialectical contradiction between the [course of action to which the economic situation necessarily commits the proletariat (regardless of its own thoughts on the subject)] and the vulgar-marxist (bourgeois) theory becomes more and more acute. As the decisive battle in the class struggle approaches, the power of a true or false theory to accelerate or retard progress grows in proportion.”LUKACS

 

  1. ” If the relationship between intellectuals and people-nation, between the leaders and the led, the rulers and the ruled, is provided by an organic cohesion in which feeling-passion becomes understanding and thence knowledge (not mechanically but in a way that is alive), then and only then is the relationship one of representation.  Only then can there take place an exchange of individual elements between the rulers and ruled, leaders [dirigenti] and led, and can the shared life be realized which alone is a social force --with the creation of the ‘historical bloc’.”GRAMSCI

 

  1. “[E]very ‘essential’ social group which emerges into history out of the preceding economic structure, and as an expression of a development of this structure, has found […] categories of intellectuals already in existence and which seemed indeed to represent an historical continuity uninterrupted even by the most complicated and radical changes in political and social forms.”GRAMSCI

 

  1. For the proletariat the truth is a weapon that brings victory; and the more ruthless, the greater the victory. This makes more comprehensible the desperate fury with which bourgeois science assails historical materialism: for as soon as the bourgeoisie is forced to take up its stand on this terrain, it is lost. And, at the same time, this explains why the proletariat and only the proletariat can discern in the correct understanding of the nature of society a power-factor of the first, and perhaps decisive importance.”LUKACS

 

  1. Thus the situation in which the bourgeoisie finds itself determines the function of its class consciousness in its struggle to achieve control of society. The hegemony of the bourgeoisie really does embrace the whole of society; it really does attempt to organize the whole of society in its own interest (and in this it has had some success).  To achieve this it was forced both to develop a coherent theory of economics, politics and society (which in itself presupposes and amounts to a ‘Weltanschauung’), and also to make conscious and sustain its faith in its own mission to control and organize society. LUKACS

 

  1. “What we can do, for the moment, is to fix two major superstructural ‘levels’: the one that can be called ‘civil society’, that is the ensemble of organisms commonly called ‘private’, and that of ‘political society’ or ‘the State’. These two levels correspond on the one hand to the function of ‘hegemony’ which the dominant group exercises throughout society and on the other hand to that of ‘direct domination’ or command exercised through the State and ‘juridical’ government.”GRAMSCI