Language and culture are inextricably entwined, but the language used among Latino teens, both gang and non-gang affiliated, reflects not only a teen subculture, but gang, drug, and even penal institutional culture generating an intricate yet rich linguistic corpus.
Here, too, is unquestionably the topic for a separate study far beyond the scope of the current research. However, the brief sample listed below proposes to give only a flavor for the argot rather than a cross section of any depth.
Codeswitching from English to Spanish was used extensively by the principal interviewer as well as by the graduate assistants as a device to win confidence. It was also used by those interviewed as a natural and appropriate speech register frequently used among them in discourse.
For decades now, codeswitching has been perceived by the field of Linguistics as a legitimate language variety found among and used by the majority of second and third generation bilingual speakers all over the Spanish-speaking Southwest (Elias Olivares l976) (Hallcom, dissertation l981). However, there are still a few unwitting educators who do not recognize an individual's bilingual skill unless s/he speaks only one language at a time. Codeswitching, of course, is a universal phenomenon occurring all over the planet where two languages are in contact.
In addition to codeswitching, the cholos frequently used "maldiciones" or what Grimes long ago classified as "taboo language" (l978). Latino males, young and old alike, have long been culturally permitted to use taboo language intermittently as part of everyday discourse if they so chose. As a matter of fact, most Spanish speakers are socialized to expect a good healthy, outraged "cabron" or "no chinges" from the mouths of males without taking much exception to it. Heretofore, these same "maldiciones" have not been acceptable from females (Galindo 1993).
This type of cursing is a totally new phenomenon coming from women, especially young women and little girls at least as frequently as many taboo words are being used nowadays. In the past women who used such language were labelled "putas" or "cantineras"--whores and bar flies.
Today, however, when the community refers to "la choleria" or "Los Cholos," they mean both males and females, mostly gang-affiliated, but including those who are non-gang affiliated sporting the gang styles and cholo appearance. This consists of excessive make-up, strikingly harsh eye liner applied in two or three colors for the females and the cholo look for the boys described above. (See clothes section) An association with the car culture -- the low rider group is included and certainly profuse use of taboo expression.
Cholo language today is a distinct blend of barrio language, of Calo (a dialect of the entire Spanish speaking Southwest) (Cardozo-Freeman l984) as well as a more recent vernacular charged with expletives and many terms from the criminal and drug domain.
It must be stressed that not all of these terms are exclusively the argot of gangs. The wider Chicano community/Mexican-American community also uses many of the Calo terms and sometimes a respectable old grandmother chooses cautiously from Calo as well (Reyes 1988) (Hallcom 1981)( Sanchez l983).
Language choice, of course, is a matter of personal ideolect among the gang-affiliated as it is for everyone else, chosen in part for whomever the interlocutors are performing.
For example, on a number of occasions young men were reprimanded
by their contemporaries for using "taboo words" in front of older
women: namely the investigator and other older graduate
assistants. Most gang and non-gang affiliated youth refrained
from using "maldiciones" in front of older members of extended
family or in the presence of parents with only a few exceptions.
If the parent(s) had also been gang affiliated at one time,
language use was a bit freer and rougher in their presence as
compared to that used in front of non-gang affiliated parents.
chingao= (with the loss of voiced fricatives /d/ in the
Similarly, "mojado" becomes "mojao." Dropping the voiced fricative /d/ in the intervocalic position occurred throughout when speaking Spanish.
No chinges con migo= (don't mess/fuck with me) or "No chinges."
Chingasos (go to blows, a beating)
el mas chingon = the toughest, most macho (male)
la mas chingona = the toughest (female) or the top dog
Estar firme - to get down, or get yourself together,
although to get down for someone also means to go to the
ultimate for that person or for the gang. To have back-up
in a sense.
Expletives such as damm, hell, and shit were used frequently.
Pinche and Puto were used frequently as well, which have no real English counterpart.
La ruca,la loca=references to females.
Mi chava = my girlfriend; ol' lady was also used.
Una chavalona= a young good looking female.
Que hubole=What's happening
Camaradas=homeboys/ and girls
Hecho tiempo conmigo= Someone did time with me
"Come get some of this," accompanied by grabbing of the crotch-- was used by both males and females, although other males reprimanded their contemporaries for using the gesture in the presence of the interviewer
Hijole and Jesus Christ expletives appeared to carry equal weight and were used frequently
"Mamacita" was used often, spoken with a lecherous overtone sometimes derisively addressed to good looking females or female passers-by.
Esta mas loco que la fregada/que la madre/ que la chingada all meant "He's crazier than hell!"
Que se vaya a la madre=S/he can go to hell, but here the reference to the mother figure makes the matter far more serious than mere hell.
No me anden vacilando= Don't be pulling my leg, putting me on, messing with me.
an 8-ball = a quantity of cocaine
(a number of drug-related jargon words were used frequently)
mucho pedo=a big rucus, to make trouble
no esta limpio=he's not drug free
Que relaje= an embarrassment /also refers to males or females who squeal to the police on the camaradas/the bros/homegirls,
Que honda= greeting like "What's happening"
Seme va la onda= I lost it, I lose it, I go nuts;
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